Statement of the Provision for the Poor, and of the Condition of the Labouring Classes in a Considerable Portion of America and Europe / Being the preface to the foreign communications contained in th
Date: 2016-10-18T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Working class; Poor -- United States; Poor -- Europe

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Statement of the Provision for the Poor, and of the Condition of the Labouring Classes in a Considerable Portion of America and Europe

This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Statement of the Provision for the Poor, and of the Condition of the Labouring Classes in a Considerable Portion of America and Europe

Author: Nassau William Senior

Release date: October 18, 2016 [eBook #53316]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024

Language: English

Credits: Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was
produced from scanned images of public domain material
from the Google Books project.)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STATEMENT OF THE PROVISION FOR THE POOR, AND OF THE CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF AMERICA AND EUROPE ***

Transcriber’s Note: Suspected printer’s errors have been corrected. Upper-case accents weren’t used in the original, and differences of spelling (etc.) between the different reports have been preserved.

STATEMENT
OF THE
PROVISION FOR THE POOR,
AND OF THE
CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES,
IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF
AMERICA AND EUROPE.

BY
NASSAU W. SENIOR, Esq.

BEING THE
PREFACE TO THE FOREIGN COMMUNICATIONS CONTAINED
IN THE APPENDIX TO THE POOR-LAW REPORT.

LONDON:
B. FELLOWES, LUDGATE STREET.
(Publisher to the Poor-Law Commissioners.)
MDCCCXXXV.

LONDON:
Printed by William Clowes and Sons,
Stamford Street.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The following pages were prepared for the sole purpose of forming an introduction to the foreign communications contained in the Appendix to the Poor-Law Report. Their separate publication was not thought of until they had been nearly finished. When it was first suggested to me, I felt it to be objectionable, on account of their glaring imperfections, if considered as forming an independent work, and the impossibility of employing the little time which can be withdrawn from a profession, in the vast task of giving even an outline of the provision for the poor, and the condition of the labouring classes, in the whole of Europe and America. But the value and extent of the information which, even in their present incomplete state, they contain, and the importance of rendering it more accessible than when locked up in the folios of the Poor-Law Appendix, have overcome my objections. The only addition which I have been able to make is a translation of the French documents.

I cannot conclude without expressing my sense of the zeal and intelligence with which the inquiry has been prosecuted by his Majesty’s diplomatic Ministers and Consuls, and of the active and candid assistance which has been given by the foreign Governments.

Nassau W. Senior.

Lincoln’s Inn, June 10, 1835.

CONTENTS

| Page
Introduction | 1
AMERICA |
Pennsylvania | 13-18
Massachusetts | 14-17
New Jersey | 18
New York | 19
EUROPE |
Norway | 20
Sweden | 24
Russia | 29
Denmark | 33
Mecklenburg | 44
Prussia | 45
Saxony | 53
Wurtemberg | 53
Weinsburg House of Industry | 65
Bavaria | 68
Berne | 74
CAUSES favourable to the Working of a Compulsory Provision | 84
Hanseatic Towns |
Hamburgh | 95
Bremen | 96
Lubeck | 98
Frankfort | 101
Holland | 101
Poor Colonies of | 109
Frederiks-Oord | 110
Wateren | 113
Veenhuisen | 113
Ommerschans | 115
Belgium and France | 117
French Poor-Laws: |
Hospices et Bureaux de Bienfaisance | 118
Foundlings and Deserted Children | 120
Mendicity and Vagrancy | 122
Belgium |
Monts-de-Piété | 126-138
Mendicity | 126
Foundlings and Deserted Children | 133
Antwerp | 139
Ostend | 143
Gaesbeck | 145
Poor Colonies | 148
France | 154
Havre: |
Hospital | 155
Bureau de Bienfaisance | 156
Rouen: |
Workhouse Regulations | 157
Brittany | 160
Loire Inférieure: |
Nantes | 163
Gironde: |
Bourdeaux | 170
Basses Pyrenées: |
Bayonne | 176
Bouches du Rhone: |
Marseilles | 178
Sardinian States: |
Piedmont | 181
Genoa | 186
Savoy | 187
Venice | 189
Portugal: |
Oporto | 194
The Azores | 196
The Canary Islands | 199
Greece | 201
European Turkey | 203
General Absence of a Surplus Population in Countries not affording Compulsory Relief | 204
Agricultural Labourers in England. |
Wages of | 206
Subsistence of | 208
Wages and Subsistence of Foreign Labourers. |
Vide Tables | 210-235
Comparison between the state of the English and Foreign Labouring Classes | 236

STATEMENT
OF THE
PROVISION FOR THE POOR,
AND THE
CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES,
IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF
AMERICA AND EUROPE.

The Commissioners appointed by His Majesty to make a diligent and full Inquiry into the practical operation of the Laws for the relief of the Poor, were restricted by the words of their Commission to England and Wales. As it was obvious, however, that much instruction might be derived from the experience of other countries, the Commissioners were authorized by Viscount Melbourne, then His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department, to extend the investigation as far as might be found productive of useful results. At first they endeavoured to effect this object through their personal friends, and in this manner obtained several valuable communications. But as this source of information was likely to be soon exhausted, they requested Viscount Palmerston, then His Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for the Foreign Department, to obtain the assistance of the Diplomatic Body.

In compliance with this application, Viscount Palmerston, by a circular dated the 12th of August, 1833, requested each of His Majesty’s Foreign Ministers to procure and transmit, with the least possible delay, a full report of the legal provisions existing in the country in which he was resident, for the support and maintenance of the poor; of the principles on which such provision was founded; of the manner in which it was administered; of the amount and mode of raising the funds devoted to that purpose; and of the practical working and effect of the actual system, upon the comfort, character, and condition of the inhabitants.

The answers to these well-framed inquiries form a considerable portion of the contents of the following volume. They constitute, probably, the fullest collection that has ever been made of laws for the relief of the poor.

But as a subject of such extent would necessarily be treated by different persons in different manners, and various degrees of attention given to its separate branches, the Commissioners thought it advisable that a set of questions should also be circulated, which, by directing the attention of each inquirer and informant to uniform objects, would enable the influence of different systems on the welfare of the persons subjected to them to be compared.

For this purpose the following questions were drawn up:—

The following Questions apply to Customs and Institutions whether general throughout the State, or peculiar to certain Districts, and to Relief given:

- 1st. By the Voluntary Payment of Individuals or Corporate Bodies.

- 2nd. By Institutions specially endowed for that purpose.

- 3rd. By the Government, either general or local.

- 4th. By any one or more of these means combined.

And you are requested to state particularly the cases (if any) in which the person relieved has a legal claim.

QUESTIONS.

Vagrants.

- 1. To what extent and under what form does mendicity prevail in the several districts of the country?

- 2. Is there any relief to persons passing through the country, seeking work, returning to their native places, or living by begging; and by whom afforded, and under what regulations?

Destitute Able-bodied.

- 1. To what extent and under what regulations are they, or any part of their families, billeted or quartered on householders?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?

- 3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c., and in which they are set to work?

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?

- 5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do not procure work for themselves?

- 6. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided for such persons in agriculture or on public works?

- 7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money, distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?

- 8. To what extent and under what regulations are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed and educated, or apprenticed?

- 9. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship are the relatives of the destitute compelled to assist them with money, food, or clothing, or by taking charge of part of their families?

- 10. To what extent and under what regulations are they assisted by loans?

Impotent Through Age.

- 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there almshouses or other institutions for the reception of those who, through age, are incapable of earning their subsistence?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations is relief in food, fuel, clothing, or money afforded them at their homes?

- 3. To what extent, and under what regulations, are they boarded with individuals?

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations are they quartered or billeted on householders?

- 5. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to assist them with money, food, or clothing, or by taking part of their families?

Sick.

- 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there district institutions for the reception of the sick?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations are surgical and medical relief afforded to the poor at their own homes?

- 3. To what extent and under what regulations are there institutions for affording food, fuel, clothing, or money to the sick?

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations is assistance given to lying-in women at their homes, or in public establishments?

- 5. To what extent and under what regulations are there any other modes of affording public assistance to the sick?

Children:

Illegitimate.

- 1. Upon whom does the support of illegitimate children fall; wholly upon the mothers, or wholly upon the fathers; or is the expense distributed between them, and in what proportion, and under what regulations?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations are the relatives of the mothers or fathers ever compelled to assist in the maintenance of bastards?

- 3. To what extent and under what regulations are illegitimate children supported at the public expense?

Orphans, Foundlings, or Deserted Children.

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations are they taken into establishments for their reception?

- 5. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?

- 6. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?

- 7. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

- 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there establishments for their reception?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?

- 3. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Idiots and Lunatics.

- 1. To what extent and under what regulations are there establishments for their reception?

- 2. To what extent and under what regulations are they billeted or quartered on householders?

- 3. To what extent and under what regulations are they boarded with individuals?

- 4. To what extent and under what regulations, and to what degree of relationship, are their relatives compelled to support them?

Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

You are requested to state whether the receipt, or the expectation of relief, appears to produce any and what effect,

- 1st. On the industry of the labourers?

- 2nd. On their frugality?

- 3rd. On the age at which they marry?

- 4th. On the mutual dependence and affection of parents, children and other relatives?

- 5th. What, on the whole, is the condition of the able-bodied and self-supporting labourer of the lowest class, as compared with the condition of the person subsisting on alms or public charity. Is the condition of the latter, as to food and freedom from labour more or less eligible? See p. 261 and 335 of the Poor Law Extracts.

You are also requested to read the accompanying volume[1], published by the English Poor Law Commissioners, and to state the existence of any similar mal-administration of the charitable funds of the country in which you reside, and what are its effects?

You are also requested to forward all the dietaries which you can procure of prisons, workhouses, almshouses and other institutions, with translations expressing the amounts and quantities in English money, weights and measures, and to state what changes (if any) are proposed in the laws or institutions respecting relief in the country in which you reside, and on what grounds?

In reply to the following Questions respecting Labourers, you are requested to distinguish Agriculturists from Artisans, and the Skilled from the Unskilled.

- 1. What is the general amount of wages of an able-bodied male labourer, by the day, the week, the month or the year, with and without provisions, in summer and in winter?

- 2. Is piece-work general?

- 3. What, in the whole, might an average labourer, obtaining an average amount of employment, both in day-work and in piece-work, expect to earn in a year, including harvest-work, and the value of all his advantages and means of living?

- 4. State, as nearly as you can, the average annual expenditure of labourers of different descriptions, specifying schooling for children, religious teachers, &c.

- 5. Is there any, and what employment for women and children?

- 6. What can women, and children under 16, earn per week, in summer, in winter and harvest, and how employed?

- 7. What, in the whole, might a labourer’s wife and four children, aged 14, 11, 8 and 5 years respectively (the eldest a boy), expect to earn in a year, obtaining, as in the former case, an average amount of employment?

- 8. Could such a family subsist on the aggregate earnings of the father, mother and children, and if so, on what food?

- 9. Could it lay by anything, and how much?

- 10. The average quantity of land annexed to a labourer’s habitation?

- 11. What class of persons are the usual owners of labourers’ habitations?

- 12. The rent of labourers’ habitations, and price on sale?

- 13. Whether any lands let to labourers; if so, the quantity to each, and at what rent?

- 14. The proportion of annual deaths to the whole population?

- 15. The proportion of annual births to the whole population?

- 16. The proportion of annual marriages to the whole population?

- 17. The average number of children to a marriage?

- 18. Proportion of legitimate to illegitimate births?

- 19. The proportion of children that die before the end of their first year?

- 20. Proportion of children that die before the end of their tenth year?

- 21. Proportion of children that die before the end of their eighteenth year.

- 22. Average age of marriage, distinguishing males from females?

- 23. Causes by which marriages are delayed?

- 24. Extent to which, 1st, the unmarried; 2nd, the married, save?

- 25. Mode in which they invest their savings?

[1] Extracts from the information on the Administration of the Poor Laws.

These questions, together with the volume to which they refer, of Extracts of Information on the Administration of the Poor Laws, were transmitted by Viscount Palmerston to His Majesty’s Foreign Ministers and Consuls on the 30th November, 1833.

The replies to them form the remaining contents of the following pages.

It will be perceived, therefore, that this volume contains documents of three different kinds:

- 1. Private Communications.

- 2. Diplomatic Answers to the general inquiries suggested by Viscount Palmerston’s circular of the 12th of August, 1833.

- 3. Diplomatic Answers to the Questions framed by the Commissioners, and contained in Viscount Palmerston’s circular of the 30th November, 1833.

Unfortunately, only a small portion of these documents had arrived when the Commissioners made their Report to His Majesty on the 20th February, 1834. The documents then received are contained in the first 115 pages of this volume, and were printed by order of the House of Commons, and delivered to Members in May, 1834. Those subsequently received were transmitted to the printers as soon as the requisite translations of those portions which were not written in English or French could be prepared. If it had been practicable to defer printing any portion until the whole was ready, they might have been much more conveniently arranged. But to this course there were two objections. First, the impossibility of ascertaining from what places documents would be received; and secondly, the difficulty of either printing within a short period so large a volume, containing so much tabular matter, or of keeping the press standing for six or seven months. The Parliamentary printers have a much larger stock of type than any other establishment, but even their resources did not enable them to keep unemployed for months the type required for many hundred closely-printed folio pages. The arrangement, therefore, of the following papers is in a great measure casual, depending much less on the nature of the documents than on the times at which they were received. The following short summary of their contents, may, it is hoped, somewhat diminish this inconvenience.

I.—The Private Communications consist of,

| Page

1. Two Papers by Count Arrivabene, containing an account of the labouring population of Gaesbeck, a village about nine miles from Brussels (p. 1.); and a description of the state of the Poor Colonies of Holland and Belgium in 1829

610

2. A Report, by Captain Brandreth, on the Belgian Poor Colonies, in 1832 | 15
3. A Statement, by M. Ducpétiaux, of the Situation of the Belgian Poor Colonies, in 1832 | 619
4. An Essay on the comparative state of the Poor in England and France, by M. de Chateauvieux | 2
5. Notes on the Administration of the Relief of the Poor in France, by Ashurst Majendie, Esq. | 34

6. A Report made by M. Gindroz to the Grand Council of the Canton de Vaud, on Petitions for the Establishment of Almshouses

53

7. A Report by Commissioners appointed by the House of Representatives, on the Pauper System of Massachusetts | 57

8. A Report by the Secretary of State, giving an Abstract of the Reports of the Superintendents of the Poor of the State of New York

99

9. A Report by Commissioners appointed to draw up a Project of a Poor Law for Norway | 701

II.—The following are the answers to Viscount Palmerston’s Circular of the 12th August, 1833.

Some of these Reports were transmitted to the Commissioners without signatures. The names of the Authors have been since furnished by the Foreign Office, and are now added.

America.

1. New York—Report from James Buchanan, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 109
2. New Hampshire and Maine—Report from J. Y. Sherwood, Esq., Acting British Consul | 111
3. The Floridas and Alabama—Report from James Baker, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 113
4. Louisiana—Report from George Salkeld, Esq., ditto | 115
5. South Carolina—Report from W. Ogilby, Esq., ditto | 117
6. Georgia—Report from E. Molyneux, Esq., ditto | 123
7. Massachusetts—Report from the Right Hon. Sir Charles R. Vaughan, his Majesty’s Minister | 123
8. New Jersey—Report from ditto | 673
9. Pennsylvania—Report from Gilbert Robertson, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 135

Europe.

1. Sweden—Report from Lord Howard de Walden, his Majesty’s Minister | 343
2. Russia—Report from Hon. J. D. Bligh, ditto | 323
3. Prussia—Report from Robert Abercrombie, Esq., his Majesty’s Chargé-d’Affaires | 425
4. Wurtemberg—Report from Sir E. C. Disbrowe, his Majesty’s Minister | 483
5. Holland—Report from Hon. G. S. Jerningham, his Majesty’s Chargé-d’Affaires | 571
6. Belgium—Report from the Right Hon. Sir R. Adair, his Majesty’s Minister | 591
7. Switzerland—Report from D. R. Marries, Esq., ditto | 190
8. Venice—Report from W. T. Money, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul-General | 663

III.—Answers to the Questions suggested by the Commissioners, and circulated by Viscount Palmerston on the 30th November, 1833, have been received from the following places:

America.

1. Massachusetts—by George Manners, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 680
2. New York—by James Buchanan, Esq., ditto | 156
3. Mexico—R. Packenham, Esq., his Majesty’s Chargé-d’Affaires | 688
4. Carthagenia de Columbia—by J. Ayton, Esq., British Pro-Consul | 164
5. Venezuela—by Sir R. K. Porter, his Majesty’s Consul | 161
6. Maranham—by John Moon, Esq., ditto | 692
7. Bahia—John Parkinson, Esq., ditto | 731
8. Uruguay—by T. S. Hood, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul-General | 722
9. Hayti—by G. W. Courtenay, Esq., ditto | 167

Europe.

1. Norway—by Consuls Greig and Mygind | 695
2. Sweden—by Hon. J. H. D. Bloomfield, his Majesty’s Secretary of Legation | 372
(a). Gottenburg—by H. T. Liddell, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 384
3. Russia—by Hon. J. D. Bligh, his Majesty’s Minister | 330
(a). Archangel—by T. C. Hunt, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul 337
(b). Courland—by F. Kienitz, Esq., ditto | 339
4. Denmark—by Peter Browne, Esq., his Majesty’s Secretary of Legation | 263
(a). Elsinore—by F. C. Macgregor, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 292
5. Hanseatic Towns: |
(a). Hamburgh—by H. Canning, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul-General | 390
(b). Bremen—by G. E. Papendick, Esq., British Vice-Consul | 410
(c). Lubeck—by W. L. Behnes, Esq., ditto | 415
6. Mecklenburgh—by G. Meyen, Esq., ditto | 421
7. Dantzig—by Alexander Gibsone, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 459
8. Saxony—by Hon. F. R. Forbes, his Majesty’s Minister | 479
9. Wurtemberg—by Hon. W. Wellesley, Chargé-d’Affaires | 507
10. Bavaria—by Lord Erskine, his Majesty’s Minister | 554
11. Frankfort on the Main—by —— Koch, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 564
12. Amsterdam—by R. Melvil, Esq., ditto | 581
13. Belgium: |
(a). Antwerp and Boom—by Baron de Hochepied Larpent, his Majesty’s Consul | 627
(b). Ostend—by G. A. Fauche, Esq., ditto | 641
14. France: |
(a). Havre—by Arch. Gordon, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 179
(b). Brest—by A. Perrier, Esq., ditto | 724
(c). La Loire Inferieure—by Henry Newman, Esq., ditto | 171
(d). Bourdeaux—by T. B. G. Scott, Esq., ditto | 229
(e). Bayonne—by J. V. Harvey, Esq., ditto | 260
(f). Marseilles—by Alexander Turnbull, Esq., ditto | 186
15. Portugal—by Lieut. Col. Lorell, ditto | 642
16. The Azores—by W. H. Read, Esq., ditto | 643
17. Canary Islands—by Richard Bartlett, Esq., ditto | 686
18. Sardinian States—by Sir Augustus Foster, his Majesty’s Minister | 648
19. Greece—by E. J. Dawkins, Esq., ditto | 665
(a). Patras—by G. W. Crowe, Esq., his Majesty’s Consul | 668
20. European Turkey— | 669

It is impossible, within the limits of a Preface, to give more than a very brief outline of the large mass of information contained in this volume, respecting the provision made for the poor in America and in the Continent of Europe.

AMERICA.

It may be stated that, with respect to America, a legal provision is made for paupers in every part of the United States from which we have returns, excepting Georgia and Louisiana; and that no such provision exists in Brazil or in Hayti, or, as far as is shown by these returns, in any of the countries originally colonized by Spain.

The system in the United States was of course derived from England, and modified in consequence, not only of the local circumstances of the country, but also of the prevalence of slavery in many of the States, and of federal institutions which by recognising to a certain extent each State as an independent sovereignty, prevent the removal from one State of paupers who are natives of another. Such paupers are supported in some of the northern districts not by local assessments, but out of the general income of the State, under the name of state paupers.

The best mode of treating this description of paupers is a matter now in discussion in the United States.

The following passage in the report of the Commissioners appointed to revise the civil code of Pennsylvania, shows the inconveniences arising from the absence of a national provision for them: (pp. 139, 143.)

We may be permitted to suggest one alteration of the present law, of considerable importance. In Massachusetts and New York, and perhaps in some other States, paupers who have no settlement in the State are relieved at the expense of the State. In this commonwealth the burthen falls upon the particular district in which the pauper may happen to be. This often occasions considerable expense to certain counties or places from which others are exempt. The construction of a bridge or canal, for instance, will draw to a particular neighbourhood a large number of labourers, many of whom may have no settlement in the State. If disabled by sickness or accident, they must be relieved by the township in which they became disabled, although their labour was employed for the benefit of the State or county, as the case may be, and not for the benefit of the township alone. If provision were made for the payment of the expenses incurred by the township in such case out of the county, or perhaps the State treasury, we think that it would be more just, and that the unhappy labourer would be more likely to obtain adequate relief, than if left to the scanty resources of a single township. A case which is stated in the second volume of the Pennsylvania Reports (Overseers v. M’Coy, p. 432), in which it appeared, that a person employed as a labourer on the State Canal, and who was severely wounded in the course of his employment, was passed from one township to another, in consequence of the disinclination to incur the expense of supporting him, until he died of the injury received, shows in a strong light the inconvenience and perils of the present system respecting casual paupers, and may serve to excuse our calling the attention of the legislature to the subject.

On the other hand, the Commissioners appointed to revise the poor laws of Massachusetts, after stating that the national provision in their State for the unsettled poor has existed ever since the year 1675, recommend its abolition, by arguments, a portion of which we shall extract, as affording an instructive picture of the worst forms of North American pauperism: (pp. 59, 60, 61.)

It will appear (say the Commissioners), that of the whole number more or less assisted during the last year, that is, of 12,331 poor, 5927 were State’s poor, and 6063 were town’s poor; making the excess of town’s over State’s poor to have been only 497. The proportion which, it will be perceived, that the State’s poor bear to the town’s poor, is itself a fact of startling interest. We have not the means of ascertaining the actual growth of this class of the poor. But if it may be estimated by a comparison of the State’s allowance for them in 1792-3, the amount of which, in round numbers, was $14,000, with the amount of the allowance twenty-seven years afterwards, that is, in 1820, when it was $72,000, it suggests matter for very serious consideration. So sensitive, indeed, to the increasing weight of the burthen had the legislature become even in 1798, when the allowance was but $27,000 that “an Act” was passed, “specifying the kind of evidence required to accompany accounts exhibited for the support of the poor of the Commonwealth.” In 1821, with a view to still further relief from the evil, the law limited its allowance to 90 cents a week for adults, and to 50 cents for children; and again, for the same end, it was enacted, in 1823, that “no one over twelve, and under sixty years of age, and in good health, should be considered a State pauper.” The allowance is now reduced to 70 cents per week for adults, and proportionally for children; and in the cases in which the poor of this class have become an integral part of the population of towns, and in which, from week to week, through protracted sickness, or from any cause, they are for the year supported by public bounty, the expense for them is sometimes greater than this allowance. But this is comparatively a small proportion of the State’s poor: far the largest part, as has been made to appear, consists of those who are but occasionally assisted, and, in some instances, of those of whom there seems to be good reason to infer, from the expense accounts, that they make a return in the product of their labour to those who have the charge of them, which might well exonerate the Commonwealth from any disbursements for their support. Even 70 cents a week, therefore, or any definable allowance, we believe, has a direct tendency to increase this class of the poor; for a charity will not generally be very resolutely withheld, where it is known that, if dispensed, it will soon be refunded. And we leave it to every one to judge whether almsgiving, under the influence of this motive, and to a single and defined class, has not a direct tendency at once to the increase of its numbers, and to a proportionate earnestness of importunity for it.

It is also not to be doubted, that a large proportion of this excess of State’s poor, more or less assisted during the year, consist of those who are called in the statements herewith presented, “wandering or travelling poor.” The single fact of the existence among us of this class of fellow-beings, especially considered in connexion with the facts, that nearly all of them are State’s poor, and that, to a great extent, they have been made what they are by the State’s provision for them, brings the subject before us in a bearing, in which we scarcely know whether the call is loudest to the pity we should feel for them, or the self-reproach with which we should recur to the measures we have sanctioned, and which have alike enlarged their numbers and their misery. Nor is it a matter of mere inference from our tables, that the number is very large of these wandering poor. To a considerable extent, and it is now regretted that it was not to a greater extent, the inquiry was proposed to overseers of the poor, “How many of the wandering, or travelling poor, annually pass under your notice?” And the answers, as will appear in the statements, were from 10 to 50, and 100 to 200. Nor is there a more abject class of our fellow-beings to be found in our country than is this class of the poor. Almshouses, where they are to be found, are their inns, at which they stop for refreshment. Here they find rest, when too much worn with fatigue to travel, and medical aid when they are sick. And, as they choose not to labour, they leave these stopping places, when they have regained strength to enable them to travel, and pass from town to town, demanding their portion of the State’s allowance for them as their right. And from place to place they receive a portion of this allowance, as the easiest mode of getting rid of them, and they talk of the allowance as their “rations;” and, when lodged for a time, from the necessity of the case, with town’s poor, it is their boast that they, by the State’s allowance for them, support the town’s inmates of the house. These unhappy fellow-beings often travel with females, sometimes, but not always their wives; while yet, in the towns in which they take up their temporary abode, they are almost always recognized and treated as sustaining this relation. There are exceptions, but they are few, of almshouses in which they are not permitted to live together. In winter they seek the towns in which they hope for the best accommodations and the best living, and where the smallest return will be required for what they receive. It is painful thus to speak of these human beings, lest, in bringing their degradation distinctly before the mind, we should even for a moment check the commiseration which is so strongly claimed for them. We feel bound therefore to say, that bad as they are, they are scarcely less sinned against in the treatment they receive, than they commit sin in the lawlessness of their lives. Everywhere viewed, and feeling themselves to be outcasts; possessed of nothing, except the miserable clothing which barely covers them; accustomed to beggary, and wholly dependent upon it; with no local attachments, except those which grow out of the facilities which in some places they may find for a more unrestrained indulgence than in others; with no friendships, and neither feeling nor awakening sympathy; is it surprising that they are debased and shameless, alternately insolent and servile, importunate for the means of subsistence and self-gratification, and averse from every means but that of begging to obtain them? The peculiar attraction of these unhappy fellow beings to our Commonwealth, and their preference for it over the States to the south of us, we believe is to be found in the legal provision which the State has made for them. Your Commissioners have indeed but a small amount of direct evidence of this; but the testimony of the chairman of the overseers in Egrement to this fact, derived from personal knowledge, was most unequivocal, and no doubt upon the subject existed in the minds of the overseers in many other towns. But shall we therefore condemn, or even severely blame, them? Considered and treated, in almost every place, as interlopers, strollers, vagrants; as objects of suspicion and dread, and, too often, scarcely as human beings; the cheapest methods are adopted of sending them from town to town, and often with the assurance given to them that there, and not here, are accommodations for them, and that there they may enjoy the bounty which the State has provided for them. Would such a state of things, your Commissioners ask, have existed in our Commonwealth, if a specific legal provision had not been made for this class of the poor? Or, we do not hesitate to ask, if the Government had never recognized such a class of the poor as that of State’s poor,—and, above all, if compulsory charity, in any form, had never been established by our laws, would there have been a twentieth part of the wandering poor which now exists in it, or by any means an equal proportion of poor of any kind with that which is now dependent upon the taxes which are raised for them? Your Commissioners think not.

Either an increase of the evils of pauperism, or a clearer perception of them, has induced most of the States during the last 10 years to make, both in their laws for the relief of the poor and in the administration of those laws, changes of great importance. They consist principally in endeavouring to avoid giving relief out of the workhouse, and in making the workhouse an abode in which none but the really destitute will continue. Compared with our own, the system is, in general, rigid.

In the detailed account of the workhouses in Massachusetts, (pages 68 to 93,) the separation of the sexes appears to be the general rule wherever local circumstances do not interfere: a rule from which exceptions are in some places made in favour of married couples. And in the returns from many of the towns it is stated that no relief is given out of the house.

The following passages from the returns from New Jersey, Pennsylvania and New York, are also evidences of a general strictness of law and of administration.

By the laws of New Jersey,

The goods and chattels of any pauper applying for relief are to be inventoried by the overseer before granting any relief, and afterwards sold to reimburse the township, out of the proceeds, all expenses they have been at; all sales of which by the pauper, after he becomes chargeable, are void.[2]

The same rule prevails in Pennsylvania. When any person becomes chargeable, the overseers or directors of the poor are required to sue for and recover all his property, to be employed in defraying the expense of his subsistence.[3]

By the laws of the same State,

No person shall be entered on the poor-book of any district, or receive relief from any overseers, before such person, or some one in his behalf, shall have procured an order from two magistrates of the county for the same; and in case any overseer shall enter in the poor-book or relieve any such poor person without such order, he shall forfeit a sum equal to the amount or value given, unless such entry or relief shall be approved of by two magistrates as aforesaid. (p. 142.)

Nor is the relief always given gratuitously, or the pauper always at liberty to accept and give it up as he may think fit; for by a recent enactment[4] the guardians are authorized—

To open an account with the pauper, and to charge him for his maintenance, and credit him the value of his services; and all idle persons who may be sent to the almshouse by any of the said guardians, may be detained in the said house by the board of guardians, and compelled to perform such work and services as the said board may order and direct, until they have compensated by their labour for the expenses incurred on their account, unless discharged by special permission of the board of guardians; and it shall be the duty of the said board of guardians to furnish such person or persons as aforesaid with sufficient work and employment, according to their physical abilities, so that the opportunity of reimbursement may be fully afforded: and for the more complete carrying into effect the provisions of this law, the said board of guardians are hereby authorized and empowered to exercise such authority as may be necessary to compel all persons within the said almshouse and house of employment to do and perform all such work, labour, and services as may be assigned to them by the said board of guardians, provided the same be not inconsistent with the condition or ability of such person.

And whereas it frequently happens that children who have been receiving public support for indefinite periods are claimed by their parents when they arrive at a proper age for being bound out, the guardians are authorized to bind out all children that have or may receive public support, either in the almshouse or children’s asylum, although their parents may demand their discharge from the said institutions, unless the expenses incurred in their support be refunded.

In New York the administration of the law is even more severe than this enactment:—

With respect to poor children, (says Mr. Buchanan,) a system prevails in New York, which, though seemingly harsh and unfeeling, has a very powerful influence to deter families from resorting to the commissioners of the poor for support, or an asylum in the establishment for the poor; namely, that the commissioners or overseers apprentice out the children, and disperse them to distant parts of the State; and on no account will inform the parents where they place their children. (p. 110.)

[2] New Jersey Revised Laws, p. 679.

[3] Act of 1819, p. 155.

[4] Act of 5th March, 1828, p. 149.

EUROPE.

It appears from the returns that a legal claim to relief exists in Norway, Sweden, Russia, Denmark, Mecklenburg, Prussia, Wurtemberg, Bavaria, and the Canton de Berne; but does not exist in the Hanseatic Towns, Holland, Belgium, France, Portugal, the Sardinian States, Frankfort, Venice, Greece, or Turkey. The return from Saxony does not afford data from which the existence or non-existence of such a claim can be inferred.

The great peculiarity of the system in the North of Europe is the custom of affording relief by quartering the paupers on the landholders in the country and on householders in the towns.

NORWAY.

Consuls Greig and Mygind, the authors of the return from Norway, state, that the—

Impotent through age, cripples, and others who cannot subsist themselves, are, in the country districts, billeted or quartered on such of the inhabitants (house and landholders in the parish) as have the means of providing for them. By them they are furnished with clothing and food, and they are in return expected to perform such light services as they can. In the distribution, respect is had to the extent or value of the different farms, and to the number of the indigent, which varies greatly in different parishes. In some they have so few poor that only one pauper falls to the lot of five or six farms, who then take him in rotation; whilst in other parishes they have a pauper quartered on every farm or estate all the year round, and on the larger ones several. (p. 696.)

It is to be regretted that the information respecting the existing poor laws of Norway is not more full and precise. The return contains two projects of law, or in other words, bills, for the relief of the poor in the country and in towns, drawn up in 1832, in obedience to a government commission issued in 1829; and also the arguments of the commissioners in their support; but it does not state how far these projects have been adopted.

In treating of the modes of relief, the bill for the country states that,

Section 26. The main principle to be observed everywhere in affording relief is to maintain “lœgd,” or the outquartering of the paupers, wherever it has existed or can be introduced, taking care to avoid the separation of families. The regulation of “lœgd,” where it has been once established among the farms, should be as durable and as little liable to alteration as possible; so that a fresh arrangement should be made only in instances where there exists a considerable decrease or increase in the number of the paupers quartered out, or a marked alteration in the condition of the occupiers upon whom they are so quartered. In the event of a fresh arrangement, it is desirable that the existing paupers hitherto provided for should, in as far as may be consistent with justice towards the parties to whom they are quartered, continue to have “lœgd” upon the same farm or farms where they have hitherto been relieved. Families not belonging to the class of peasants are bound to have paupers quartered upon them in “lœgd” in case they cultivate land; however, the overseer of the district is competent to grant permission to them as well as to other “lœgds-ydere,” to let out the “lœgd” when he finds that they individually are unable to provide for the pauper on their own lands, and the letting out can be effected without any considerable inconvenience to the latter. (p. 704.)

27. When a new regulation of “lœgd” takes place, or new “lœgd” is established, a statement in writing of the “lœgd,” or outquartering intended, is to be issued by the commission, or by the overseer on its behalf, containing the name of the pauper to be outquartered, and the farm or farms on which he shall receive “lœgd,” and in case it is on several, the rotation, and for what period, on each. In case the “lœgd” is only to be during the winter, or during a certain part of the year, this likewise is to be stated. In like manner the houseless and others, who are provided with relief in kind from particular farms, are to be furnished with a note setting forth the quantity the individual has to demand of each farm, and the time at which he is entitled to demand the same. In default of the furnishing of these contributions in proper time, they are to be enforced by execution, through the lensmand. (p. 705.)

5. In case the house poor, and other poor who are not quartered out, conduct themselves improperly, are guilty of idleness, drunkenness, incivility, obstinacy or quarrelsomeness, the overseer is entitled to give them a serious reprimand; and in case this is unattended with any effect, to propose in the poor commission the reduction of the allowance granted to the offender, to the lowest scale possible. Should this prove equally devoid of effect, or the allowance not bear any reduction, he may, in conjunction with the president of the commission, report the case, at the same time stating the names of the witnesses, to the sorenskriver[5], who on the next general or monthly sitting of the court, after a brief inquiry, by an unappealable sentence shall punish the guilty with imprisonment not exceeding 20 days, upon bread and water.

In case of a like report from the superintendent of the “lœgd,” of improper conduct on the part of the pauper quartered out, the overseer shall give the said offending pauper a severe reprimand; and in case this likewise proves devoid of effect, the mode of proceeding to be the same as has been stated already in reference to the house poor.

36. In case the person with whom a pauper has been quartered out do not supply adequate relief, or ill use the pauper so quartered upon him, and is regardless of the admonitions of the overseer, an appeal to the sorenskriver is to take place, and in other respects the mode of proceeding is to be the same as is enacted in s. 35: when all the conduct complained of can be proved, for which purpose, in default of other witnesses, the combined evidence of the superintendent of the “lœgd,” and of the overseer, is to be deemed sufficient, the offending party to be fined, according to his circumstances and the nature of the case, from 2 to 20 specie dollars, and in case of ill-usage, to be imprisoned on bread and water for from 5 to 10 days; and in the event of a repetition of the offence, for from 10 to 20 days.

39. None may beg, but every person who is in such want that he cannot provide for himself and those belonging to him, shall apply for aid to the competent poor commission, or to the overseer. In case any one is guilty of begging, for the first offence he is to be seriously admonished by the overseer of the district in which he has begged, who is likewise to point out to him what consequences will follow a repetition of the offence. In case he offends afterwards, he is to be punished according to the enactments set forth in s. 35; and afterwards, in case of a repetition of the offence, with from two months’ to a year’s confinement in the house of correction.

A person is not to be accounted a beggar who asks only for food, when it appears that his want of sustenance is so great that unless he tried to procure immediate relief he would be exposed to perish of hunger, provided he immediately afterwards applies to the overseer of the district for relief; or in case the poor administration is unable to relieve all the poor in years of scarcity, save in a very scanty manner, and the hungry mendicant then confines himself to the soliciting of food. (p. 706.)

The bill directs that the poor-fund shall consist, in the country,

1. Of the interest of legacies, and other property belonging to it.

2. An annual tax of 12 skillings (equal according to Dr. Kelly, Univ. Cambist, vol. 1, p. 32, to 2s. 6d. sterling,) on each hunsmand or cottager, and on each man servant, and six skillings on each woman servant.

3. A duty on stills equal to half the duty paid to the State.

4. Penalties directed by the existing laws to be paid over to that fund.

5. The property left by paupers, if they leave no wife or children unprovided for.

6. An annual assessment on the occupiers of land, and on all others capable of contributing, such as men servants, clerks, tutors, and pilots.

In towns,

Of all the above-mentioned funds, except No. 2, and of a tax of one skilling (2½d. sterling) per pot on all imported fermented liquors.

We have already remarked that the report does not state how far this bill has passed into a law, or how its enactments differ from the existing law: they appear likely, unless counteracted by opposing causes, to lead to considerable evils. The relief by way of lœgd resembles in some respects our roundsman system. It is, however, less liable to abuse in one respect, because the lœgd, being wholly supported by the lœgd-yder, must be felt as an incumbrance by the farmer, instead of a source of profit. On the other hand, the situation of the country pauper cannot be much worse than that of the independent labourer; and in towns, though this temptation to idleness and improvidence may be avoided by giving relief in the workhouse, the temptation to give out-door and profuse relief must be considerable, since a large portion of the poor-fund is derived from general sources, and only a small part from assessment to which the distributors of relief are themselves exposed. It is probable that the excellent habits of the population, and the great proportion of landowners, may enable the Norwegians to support a system of relief which in this country would soon become intolerable.

[5] Sorenskriver, an officer in the country, whose duties are chiefly those of a registrar and judge in the lowest court.

SWEDEN.

The fullest statement of the pauperism of Sweden is to be found in a paper by M. de Hartsmansdorff, the Secretary of State for Ecclesiastical Affairs, (p. 368); an extract from Colonel Forsell’s Swedish Statistics, published in 1833, (p. 375); and Replies to the Commissioners’ Queries from Stockholm, (p. 372), and from Gottenburgh, (p. 384.)

M. de Hartsmansdorff states that every parish is bound to support its own poor, and that the fund for that purpose arises from voluntary contribution, (of which legacies and endowments appear to form a large portion,) the produce of certain fines and penalties, and rates levied in the country in proportion to the value of estates, and in towns on the property or income of the inhabitants. Settlement depends on residence, and on that ground the inhabitants of a parish may prevent a stranger from residing among them. A similar provision is considered in the Norwegian report, and rejected, (p. 718,) but exists in almost every country adopting the principle of parochial relief, and allowing a settlement by residence. An appeal is given, both to the pauper and to the parishioners, to the governor of the province, and ultimately to the King.

M. de Hartsmansdorff’s paper is accompanied by a table, containing the statement of the persons relieved in 1829, which states them to have amounted to 63,348 out of a population of 2,780,132, or about one in forty-two. This differs from Colonel Forsell’s statement, (p. 376,) that in 1825 they amounted to 544,064, or about one in five. It is probable that Colonel Forsell includes all those who received assistance from voluntary contributions. “In Stockholm,” he adds, “there are 83 different boards for affording relief to the poor, independent one of the other, so that it happens often that a beggar receives alms at three, four, or five different places.” There is also much discrepancy as to the nature and extent of the relief afforded to the destitute able-bodied. We are told in the Stockholm return, (p. 372,) that no legal provision is made for them; but by the Gottenburgh return, (pp. 384 and 386,) it appears that they are relieved by being billeted on householders, or by money.

The following severe provisions of the law of the 19th June, 1833, seem directed against them. By that law any person who is without property and cannot obtain employment, or neglects to provide himself with any, and cannot obtain sureties for the payment of his taxes, rates, and penalties, is denominated unprotected (förswarlös). An unprotected person is placed almost at the disposal of the police, who are to allow him a fixed period to obtain employment, and to require him to proceed in search of it to such places as they think fit.

Should any person, (the law goes on to say,) who has led an irreproachable life, and has become unprotected, not through an unsteady or reprehensible conduct, but from causes which cannot be reasonably laid to his charge, and who has obtained an extension of time for procuring protection, still remains without yearly employment or other lawful means of support, and not be willing to try in other places to gain the means of support, or shall have transgressed the orders that may have been given him, and (being a male person) should not prefer to enlist in any regiment, or in the royal navy, or should not possess the requisite qualifications for that purpose, the person shall be sent to be employed on such public works as may be going on in the neighbourhood, or to a work institution within the county, until such time as another opportunity may offer for his maintenance; he shall however be at liberty, when the usual notice-day arrives, and until next moving-time, to try to obtain legal protection with any person within the county who may require his services, under the obligation to return to the public work institution in the event of his not succeeding. Should there be no public work to be had in the neighbourhood, or the person cannot, for want of necessary room, be admitted, he shall be sent to a public house of correction, and remain there, without however being mixed with evil-disposed persons or such as may have been punished for crimes, until some means may be found for him or her to obtain a lawful maintenance.—(p. 362.)

Servants or other unprotected persons who have of their own accord relinquished their service or constant employ, and by means of such or other reprehensible conduct have been legally turned out of their employ, or who do not perform service with the master or mistress who has allowed such person to be rated and registered with them, or who, in consequence of circumstances which ought to be ascribed to the unprotected person himself, shall become deprived of their lawful means of support, but who may not be considered as evil-disposed persons, shall be bound to provide themselves with lawful occupations within 14 days, if it be in a town, and within double that number of days if it be in the country. Should the unprotected person not be able to accomplish this, it shall depend on Our lord-lieutenant how far he may deem it expedient to grant a further extended time, for a limited period, to a person thus circumstanced, in order to procure himself means for his subsistence.—(p. 363).

Such persons as may either not have been considered to be entitled to an extension of time for procuring lawful maintenance, or who, notwithstanding such permission, have not been able to provide themselves with the same, shall be liable to do work, if a man, at any of the corps of pioneers in the kingdom, and if a woman, at a public house of correction. If the man is unfit for a pioneer, he shall in lieu thereof be sent to a public house of correction.—(p. 363.)

It appears that pauperism has increased under the existing system. Mr. Bloomfield states that since its institution the number of poor has increased in proportion to the population (p. 368). The Stockholm return states that—

The main defect of the charitable institutions consists in a very imperfect control over the application of their funds, the parish not being accountable for their distribution to any superior authority. This is so much felt, that new regulations are contemplated for bringing parish affairs more under the inspection of a central board. Another great evil is, that each parish manages its affairs quite independently of any other, and frequently in a totally different manner; and there is no mutual inspection among the parishes, which, it is supposed, would check abuses. Again, parishes are not consistent in affording relief; they often receive and treat an able-bodied impostor (who legally has no claim on the parish) as an impotent or sick person, whilst many of the latter description remain unaided.

The Swedish artizan is neither so industrious nor so frugal as formerly; he has heard that the destitute able-bodied are in England supported by the parish; he claims similar relief, and alleges his expectation of it as an excuse for prodigality or indifference to saving.—(p. 375.)

That the number of poor (says Colonel Forsell) has lately increased in a far greater progression than before, is indeed a deplorable truth. At Stockholm, in the year 1737, the number of poor was 930; in 1825 there were reckoned 15,000 indigent persons. Their support, in 1731, cost 9000 dollars (dallar). In 1825, nearly 500,000 rix dollars banco were employed in alms, donations, and pensions. Perhaps these facts explain why, in Stockholm, every year about 1500 individuals more die than are born, although the climate and situation of this capital is by no means insalubrious; for the same may be said of almshouses as is said of foundling hospitals and similar charitable establishments, that the more their number is increased, the more they are applied to.

In the little and carefully governed town of Orebro, the number of poor during the year 1780 was no more than 70 or 80 individuals, and in the year 1832 it was 400! In the parish of Nora, in the province of Nerike, the alms given in the year 1814 were 170 rix-dollars 4 sk.; and in 1832, 2138 rix-dollars 27 sk.; and so on at many other places in the kingdom. That the case was otherwise in Sweden formerly, is proved by history. Botin says that a laborious life, abhorrence of idleness and fear of poverty, was the cause why indigent and destitute persons could be found, but no beggars. Each family sustained its destitute and impotent, and would have deemed it a shame to receive support from others.

The price of 8 kappar = 1½ doll., or 2s. 5d.

When the accounts required from the secretary of state for ecclesiastical affairs, regarding the number of and institutions for the poor, shall be reduced to order, and issue from the press, they must impart most important information. By the interesting report on this subject by the Bishop of Wexio, we learn, that the proportion of the poor to the population is as 1 to 73 in the government of Wexio, and as 1 to 54 in that of Jönköping. The assessed poor-taxes are, on an average, for every farm (hemman,) eight kappar corn in the former government, and 12½ in the latter. With regard to the institutions for the poor, it is said, the more we give the more is demanded, and instead of the poor-rates being regulated by the want, the want is regulated by the profusion of charities and poor-taxes.

In the bishopric of Wisby (Island of Gottland), the proportion between the poor and those who can maintain themselves, is far more favourable than in that of Wexio; for in the former only 1 in 104 inhabitants is indigent, and in 22 parishes there is no common almshouse at all. Among 40,000 individuals, no more than 17 were unable to read.—(p. 377.)

RUSSIA.

A general outline of the provision for the poor in Russia, is contained in the following extracts from Mr. Bligh’s report, (pp. 328, 329, 330).

As far as regards those parts of the empire which may most properly be called Russia, it will not be necessary for me to detain your Lordship long, since in them (where in fact by far the greatest portion of the population is to be found), the peasantry, being in a state of slavery, the lords of the soil are induced more by their own interest, than compelled by law, to take care that its cultivators, upon whom their means of deriving advantage from their estates depend, are not entirely without the means of subsistence.

Consequently, in cases of scarcity, the landed proprietors frequently feel themselves under the necessity (in order to prevent their estates from being depopulated) of expending large sums, for the purpose of supplying their serfs with provisions from more favoured districts. There is no doubt, however, (of which they must be well aware) that in case of their forgetting so far the dictates of humanity and of self-interest, as to refuse this assistance to the suffering peasantry, the strong hand of a despotic government would compel them to afford it.

The only cases, therefore, of real misery, which are likely to arise, are, when soldiers, who having outlived their 25 years’ service, and all the hardships of a Russian military life, fail in getting employment from the government as watchmen in the towns, or in other subordinate situations, and returning to their villages, find themselves unsuited by long disuse to agricultural pursuits, disowned by the landed proprietors, from whom their military service has emancipated them, and by their relations and former acquaintances, who have forgotten them.

I am led to understand, that in all well-regulated properties, in order to provide for the contingencies of bad seasons, the peasants are obliged to bring, to a magazine established by the proprietor, a certain portion of their crops, to which they may have recourse in case of need.

In the estates belonging to the government, which are already enormous, and which are every day increasing, in consequence of the constant foreclosing of the mortgages by which so many of the nobility held their estates under the crown, more special enactments are in vigour; inasmuch as in them, all serfs incapable of work are supported by their relations, and those whose relations are too poor to afford them assistance, are taken into what may be termed poor-houses, which are huts, one for males, the other for females, built in the neighbourhood of the church, at the expense of the section or parish, which is also bound to furnish the inmates with fuel, food, and clothing.

The parish must, moreover, establish hospitals for the sick, for the support of which, besides boxes for receiving alms, at the church and in the hospitals themselves, all fines levied in the parish are to be applied.

The clergy are compelled to provide for the poor of their class, according to an ordonnance, regulating the revenues set apart for this object, and enacting rules for the distribution of private bequests and charities.

In Courland, Esthonia, and Livonia, the parish (or community) are bound to provide for the destitute to the utmost of their means, which means are to be derived from the common funds; from bequests, or from any charitable or poor fund which may exist; and in Esthonia, from the reserve magazines of corn, which, more regularly than in Russia, are kept full by contributions from every peasant.

When those are inadequate, a levy is made on the community, which is fixed by the elders and confirmed by the district authorities; and when this rate is levied, the landowners or farmers contribute in proportion to the cultivation and works they carry on, or to the amount of rent they pay; and the labourers according to the wages they receive.

The overseers consist of the elder of the village, (who is annually elected by the peasantry) and two assistants, one of whom is chosen from the class of landholders or farmers, and the other from the labourers, and who are confirmed by the district police. One of these assistants has to give quarterly detailed accounts to the district authorities, and the elder, on quitting office, renders a full account to the community.

Those who will not work voluntarily may be delivered over to any individual, and compelled to work for their own support, at the discretion of the elder and his assistants.

Those poor who are found absent from home, are placed in the hands of the police, and transferred to their own parishes.

All public begging is forbid by very strict regulations.

In the external districts of the Siberian Kirghese, which are for the most part peopled by wandering tribes, the authorities are bound to prevent, by every means in their power, any individual of the people committed to their charge from suffering want, or remaining without superintendence or assistance, in case of their being in distress.

All the charitable offerings of the Kirghese are received by the district authorities, and as they consist for the most part of cattle, they are employed, as far as necessary, for the service of the charitable institutions; the surplus is sold, and the proceeds, together with any donations in money, go towards the support of those establishments; when voluntary contributions are not sufficient for that purpose, the district authorities give in an estimate of the quantity of cattle of all sorts required to make up the deficiency, and according to their estimate, when confirmed by the general government, the number of cattle required in each place is sent from the general annual levy made for the service of the government.

In the Polish Provinces incorporated with the empire, as the state of the population is similar to that of Russia Proper, the proprietors in like manner, in cases of need, supply their peasantry with the means of existence; under ordinary circumstances, however, the portions of land allotted to them for cultivation, which afford them not only subsistence, but the means of paying a fixed annual sum to their lords, and the permission which is granted to them of cutting wood in the forests for building and fuel, obviate the necessity of their receiving this aid.

The same system existed in the Duchy of Warsaw prior to 1806, and every beggar and vagabond was then sent to the place of his birth, where, as there was not a sufficiency of hands for the cultivation of the soil, he was sure to find employment, or to be taken care of by his master, whilst there were enough public establishments for charity to support the poor in the towns belonging to the government, and those, who by age, sickness, or natural deformities, were unable to work.

But when the establishment of a regular code proclaimed all the inhabitants of that part of Poland equal in the eye of the law, the relations of the proprietor and the peasant were entirely changed; and the former having no power of detaining the latter upon his lands, except for debt legally recognised, was no longer obliged to support them.

So great and sudden a change in the social state of the country soon caused great embarrassment to the government, who being apprehensive of again altering a system which involved the interests of the landed proprietors, the only influential class in the country, for a long time eluded the consideration of the question, by augmenting the charitable institutions; but at length the progressive expense of this system compelled the Minister of Finance to refuse all further aid to uphold it, and by an arbitrary enactment, recourse was had to the former plan of passing the poor to the places of their birth. As this arrangement is only considered as provisional, and as the population has not hitherto more than sufficed for the purpose of agriculture, and the manufactories which were established prior to the late insurrection, it has not been much complained of, though the necessity for some more precise and positive regulations respecting the poor is generally acknowledged.

In Finland, there are no laws in force for the support of the indigent, nor any charitable establishments, except in some of the towns. In the country districts it is expected that reserve magazines of corn should be kept in every parish, but I cannot ascertain that the adoption of this precautionary measure is imperative upon the landed proprietors and peasantry.

On comparing, however, Mr. Bligh’s statement as to the law in Courland with that made by M. Kienitz His Majesty’s Consul, it does not seem that the provision afforded by law is often enforced, excepting as to the support of infirmaries. It appears from his report that the government provides expeditiously for vagrants by enrolling them as soldiers or setting them on the public works; and that the proportion of the population to the means of subsistence is so small, and the demand for labour so great, that scarcely any other able-bodied paupers are to be found.

DENMARK.

The information respecting Denmark is more complete and derived from more sources than any other return contained in this volume.

The Danish poor law is recent. It appears (p. 278) to have originated in 1798, and to have assumed its present form in 1803. The following statement of its principal provisions is principally extracted from Mr. Macgregor’s report (pp. 280, 283, 284-7, 288, 273-285, 289, 290).

Poor districts.

Each market town, or kiöbstœd, (of which there are 65 in Denmark,) constitutes a separate poor district, in which are also included those inhabitants of the adjacent country who belong to the parish of that town. In the country, each parish forms a poor district.

The poor laws are administered in the market towns by a board of commissioners, consisting of the curate, of one of the magistrates (if any), of the provost (byefoged) in his quality of policemaster, and of two or more of the most respectable inhabitants of the place.

In the country this is done in each district by a similar board, of which the curate, the policemaster, besides one of the principal landholders, and three to four respectable inhabitants, are members, which latter are nominated for a term of three years.

All persons are to be considered as destitute and entitled to relief, who are unable, with their own labour, to earn the means of subsistence, and thus, without the help of others, would be deprived of the absolute necessaries of life.

Classification of paupers.

The poor to whom parochial relief may be awarded, are divided into three classes. To the first class belong the aged and the sick, and all those who from bodily or mental infirmity are wholly or partially debarred from earning the means of subsistence. In the second class are included orphans, foundlings, and deserted children, as well as those, the health, resources, or morals of whose parents are of a description which would render it improper to confide the education of children to their care. The third class comprises families or single persons, who from constitutional weakness, a numerous offspring, the approach of old age or similar causes, are unable to earn a sufficiency for the support of themselves or children.

Relief to first class.

Paupers of the first class who are destitute of other support, are to be supplied by the proper parish officers:

(a) With food (or in market towns where the necessary establishments for that purpose are wanting, with money in lieu thereof); to which, in the agricultural districts, the inhabitants have to contribute, according to the orders issued by the commissioners, either in bread, flour, pease, groats, malt, bacon, butter or cheese, or in corn, or in money, or by rations, or in any other manner, which, from local circumstances, may be deemed most expedient:

(b) With the necessary articles of clothing:

(c) With lodging and fuel, either by placing them in establishments belonging to the parish, or in private dwellings:

(d) With medical attendance, either at their own dwellings, or in places owned or rented by the parish.

To second.

The children belonging to the second class are to be placed with a private family, to be there brought up and educated at the expense of the parish, until they can be apprenticed or provided for in any other manner.

The commissioners are carefully to watch over the treatment and education of the children by their foster-parents, and that such of them as have been put out to service are properly brought up and instructed until they are confirmed.

To third.

The paupers of the third class are to be so relieved that they may not want the absolute necessaries of life; but avoiding mendicity on the one hand, they must at the same time be compelled to work to the best of their abilities for their maintenance. To render the relief of paupers of this description more effectual, care must be taken that, if possible, work be procured for them at the usual rate of wages; and where the amount does not prove sufficient for their support they may be otherwise assisted, but in general not with money, but with articles of food and clothing, to be supplied them at the expense of the parish.

In cases where families are left houseless, the commissioners are authorized to procure them a habitation, by becoming security for the rent; and where such habitation is not to be obtained for them, they may be quartered upon the householders in rotation, until a dwelling can be found in some other place.

Should the rent not be paid by the parties when due, such persons must be considered as paupers, and be removed to that district where they may be found to have a settlement. The house-rent thus disbursed must in this case be looked upon as temporary relief, and be borne by the parish that advanced it. Where parish-officers refuse to obey these injunctions, they may be compelled by a fine, to be levied daily until they comply.

Liabilities of pauper.

The Danish law has established the principle, that every individual receiving relief of any kind under the poor-laws, is bound, either with his property or his labour, to refund the amount so disbursed for him, or any part thereof; and authority has therefore been given to the poor-law commissioners, “to require all those whom it may concern, to work to the best of their ability, until all they owe has been paid off.”

On relief being awarded to a pauper, the commissioners of the district have forthwith to take an inventory of, and to appraise, his effects, which are only to be delivered over to him for his use, after having been marked with the stamp of the board.

Any person receiving goods or effects so marked, either by way of purchase or in pledge, shall be liable to the restitution of the property, to the payment of its value, and besides to a fine.

The same right is retained by the parish upon the pauper, if he should happen to acquire property at a later period, as well as it extends to his effects at his demise, though he should not have received relief at the time of his death.

An ordinance of the 13th of August, 1814, expressly enacts, that wherever a person absolutely refuses either to refund or to pay by instalments the debt he has so contracted with the parish, he shall be forced to pay it off by working for the benefit of the same, and not be allowed to leave the parish; but that if he do so notwithstanding, he is to be punished by imprisonment in the house of correction. The commissioners are further authorized to stipulate the amount such individual is to pay off per week, in proportion to his capability to work, to the actual rate of wages and other concurring circumstances, and that where such person either refuses to work, or is idle or negligent during the working hours, he is to be imprisoned on bread and water until he reform his conduct.

Begging.

The poor having thus been provided for, begging is prohibited, and declared to be liable to punishment.

In adjudging punishment for begging, it is to be taken into consideration whether the mendicant was in need of support or not. In the first case he shall, the first time, be imprisoned fourteen days; the second time, four weeks; and the third time, work for a year in the house of correction. For every time the offence is committed, the punishment to be doubled. But if the mendicant is able to work, and thus not entitled to support from the parish, he shall, the first time, be imprisoned four weeks; the second time, eight weeks; and the third time, work for two years in the house of correction, which last punishment is to be doubled for every time the offence is committed. When the term of punishment is expired, the beggar is to be sent to his home under inspection, and his travelling expenses by land in every parish through which he passes to be paid by the poor-chest of the bailiwick in which the parish lies; but his conveyance by water to be paid by the parish bound to receive him.

Duty of the poor to seek service.

In the market-towns, all persons belonging to the working classes are obliged to enter into fixed service, unless they have some ostensible means of subsistence, which must be proved to the satisfaction of the magistrates, if required.

In the agricultural districts, every person belonging to the class of peasants, who is not a proprietor or occupier of land, a tacksman (boelsmand), or cottager (huusmand), or subsists upon some trade or profession, is to seek fixed service, unless he be married and permanently employed as a day-labourer.

Where a single person of either sex belonging to the labouring class is not able to obtain a place, he (or she) shall within two months before the regular term when regular servants are changed (Skiftetid) apply to the parish-beadle, who, on the Sunday following at church-meeting, is publicly to offer the services of his client, and inquire amongst the community if any person is in want of a servant, and will receive him (or her) as such. Should the said person not get a place within a fortnight, a similar inquiry is to be made in the neighbouring parish.

All those that have not followed the line of conduct pointed out in the preceding regulation, and are without steady employment, shall be considered as vagrants, and punished accordingly.

It is also provided, that where parents, without sufficient reason, keep more grown up children at home than they absolutely require for their service, it shall be considered indicative, either of their being in comparatively good circumstances, or that their income has been improved by the additional labour of their children, and their poor and school-rates are to be raised in proportion.

Mode of raising fund.

It is not only made obligatory upon the house and landowners to contribute to the parochial fund, but also upon servants and labouring mechanics; in short, upon all persons, without distinction of religion, who are not on the parish themselves, and whose circumstances are such that they can afford to pay the contribution in proportion to their incomes, without thereby depriving themselves of the necessaries of life.

The only exception are the military, and persons receiving pay from the military fund, who are only liable to contribute in so far as they have private means.

The receipts of the parochial fund are derived from various sources, which may be classed under the following heads, viz.—

1. Parochial fund.

1ᵒ. An annual contribution in money, either voluntary or levied upon the inhabitants, according to the assessment of the board of commissioners in each parish, and in proportion to the amount annually required for the relief of the poor.

This contribution is recovered in four quarterly instalments, each of which is payable in advance. The commissioners have to transmit a list of those persons that are in arrears to the bailiff of the division, who may levy the amount by distress.

2ᵒ. A contribution assessed upon the produce of the ground-tax in the townships.

3ᵒ. One-quarter per cent. of the proceeds of goods and effects sold by public auction in the townships.

4ᵒ. Fines and penalties adjudged to the parochial fund by the courts of justice, and the commissioners of arbitration in the townships.

5ᵒ. Produce of collections in churches and hospitals on certain occasions; of the sale of the effects of paupers deceased; of the sale of stray cattle having no owner; voluntary donations on the purchase or sale of houses and lands; contingencies.

6ᵒ. Interest on capital, and rent of lands or houses bequeathed to, or otherwise acquired by, the poor administration.

2. Bailiwick fund.

The receipts of the separate poor fund of the bailiwick consist chiefly,—1ᵒ. In a proportion of certain dues levied in each of its jurisdictions; 2ᵒ. In fines and penalties adjudged to the fund by the tribunals and the commissions of arbitration in the agricultural districts; 3ᵒ. In ¼% of all goods and effects sold by public auction in the country; 4ᵒ. In the interest on capital belonging to the fund.

This fund has been established for the following purposes:—1ᵒ. Of contributing to the support of paupers who, although not properly belonging to the poor of the district in which they have become distressed, must still be relieved; 2ᵒ. Of assisting the parochial fund in extraordinary cases; 3ᵒ. Of defraying all expenses of a general nature that ought to be assessed upon the several parish funds within the jurisdiction of the bailiwick.

Effects of these institutions.

With respect to the effects of these institutions the evidence is not consistent. Mr. Macgregor’s opinion is, on the whole, favourable.

Be the management (he says) of the poor-laws good or bad, yet the system itself seems to have answered an important object, that of checking the rapid growth of pauperism. I admit that paupers have increased in Denmark these last thirty years, in the same proportion with the increase of population (pari passu); but I am far from believing that the proportion which they bear to the whole population is much greater now than it was in 1803, namely, 1:32, although some of the townships, from particular circumstances, may form an exception. I have diligently perused all the different reports that have been published for the last five years upon the present state of the rural economy of the country, and they all concur in stating that there is a slight improvement in the value of land; that idle people are seldom found; and that there is sufficient work in which to employ the labouring population.—(p. 291.)

Pauperism is chiefly confined (especially in the country) to the class of day-labourers, both mechanic and agricultural, who, when aged and decrepit, or burdened with large families, throw themselves upon parish relief whenever they are distressed from sickness or from some other casualty. But happily the allowance-system, which is productive of so much mischief, is not acted upon here to the same enormous extent as in England, and as the able-bodied can expect nothing beyond the absolute necessaries of life, they have no inducement for remaining idle, and they return to work the moment they are able, and have the chance of obtaining any. Relief, therefore, or the expectation of it, has hitherto not been found to produce any sensible effect upon the industry of labourers generally, nor upon their frugality, although it is more than probable that any relaxation in the management of the system would stimulate them to spend all their earnings in present enjoyment, and render them still more improvident than they already are. Nor are the poor-laws instrumental in promoting early marriages among the peasants; but it being their custom to form engagements at a very early period of life, this, in the absence of all moral restraint in the intercourse between the two sexes, leads to another serious evil, bastardy, which has so much increased of late years, that out of ten children, one is illegitimate.

A pauper in this kingdom lives in a state of degradation and dependence; he only receives what is absolutely necessary for his subsistence, and must often have recourse to fraud and imposition to obtain that, what is reluctantly given.

The working labourer, on the other hand, enjoys a certain degree of freedom and independence, although his means may be small, and that sometimes he may even be subject to great privations.

Should it ever so happen that the labouring population readily submit to all the restrictions imposed upon them by the parish officers, and that this is found not to be owing to any transitory causes, such as a single year of distress or sickness, then, in my humble opinion, the time is arrived and no other remedy left to correct the evil than for the government to promote emigration. (p. 292.)

Mr. Thaloman states that,

Hitherto these institutions have had a salutary and beneficial effect on the nation, inasmuch as many thousand individuals have been prevented from strolling about as beggars, and many thousand children have received a good education, and have grown up to be useful and orderly citizens. Neither as yet have any remarkable symptoms of dissatisfaction appeared among the wealthier classes. But we cannot be without some apprehension for the future, since the poor-rates have been augmented to such a degree that it would be very difficult to collect larger contributions than those now paid. And as sufficient attention has not been paid to this circumstance, that the farmers are continually building small cottages, in which poor people establish themselves, since the government have been unwilling to throw any restraint on marriages between poor persons; there seems reason to fear, that in the lapse of another period of twenty years, the poor in many districts will to such a degree have multiplied their numbers, that the present system will yield no adequate means for their support.

In the towns much embarrassment is already felt, the poor having increased in them to a much greater extent than in the country.

All the taxes of a considerable merchant of Dram in Norway, who owns eight trading vessels actually employed, amounted during last year to not more than the school and poor-rates of one large farm in the heath district which you visited last year. (p. 279.)

M. N. N., a correspondent of Mr. Browne’s, and the author of a very detailed account of the existing law, after stating that,

Benevolent as the Danish poor system will appear, it is generally objected to it that the too great facility of gaining admittance, particularly to the third class, encourages sloth and indolence, especially in the country, where the means are wanted to establish workhouses, the only sure way of controlling those supported:

And that,

It is further objected to the present system, that it already begins to fall too heavy on the contributors, and that in course of time, with the constant increase of population, it will go on to press still more severely on them, inasmuch as their number and means do not by any means increase in a ratio equal to the augmentation of the number wanting support: (p. 274.)

Adds, in answer to more specific inquiries,

Before the introduction of the present poor law system, the distress was much greater, and begging of the most rapacious and importunate kind was quite common in the country. This was not only a heavy burthen on the peasantry, but was in other respects the cause of intolerable annoyance to them; for the beggars, when their demands were not satisfied, had recourse to insolence and threats, nay, even to acts of criminal vengeance. This is no longer the case, and in so far, therefore, the present system has been beneficial.

It is a fact that poverty now appears in less striking features than it did before the introduction of the poor law system. This may, however, proceed from causes with which that system has no connexion; for example, from the increased wealth of the country in general, from improvements in agriculture, from the large additions made to the quantity of arable land, which have been in a ratio greatly exceeding that of the increased population. If the clergyman, who is, and will always be the leading member of the poor committee, was able to combine with his other heavy duties, a faithful observance of the rules prescribed for him in the management of the poor, I am of opinion that the system would neither be a tax on industry nor a premium on indolence. But it rarely happens that the clergyman can bestow the requisite attention on the discharge of this part of his duty; and therefore it is not to be denied that the present poor law (not from any defect inherent in the system, but merely from faulty management) does occasionally act as a tax on industry and a premium on idleness. (p. 275.)

On the other hand, Mr. Browne thus replies to the questions as to the effects of the poor laws on the, 1. industry, 2. frugality, 3. period of marriage, and 4. social affections of the labouring classes, and on the comparative condition of the pauper and the independent labourer. (pp. 266, 267.)

1. On the industry of the labourers?—On their industry, most injurious, involving the levelling principle to a very great degree, lowering the middleman to the poor man, and the poor man who labours to the pauper supported by the parish. It tends to harden the heart of the poor man, who demands with all that authority with which the legal right to provision invests him. There is no thankfulness for what is gotten, and what is given is afforded with dislike and reluctance.

2. On their frugality?—The poor laws greatly weaken the frugal principle.

3. On the age at which they marry?—Encourage early and thoughtless marriages. The children are brought up with the example of indolence and inactivity before their eyes, which must be most prejudicial in after-life. I have often remarked amongst the people, who are naturally soft, susceptible and sympathizing, an extraordinary insensibility towards those who voluntarily relieve them, even at the moment of relief, and no gratitude whatever afterwards. I can attribute this most undesirable state of feeling, so contrary to what might be expected from the natural character of the people, solely to the perpetual association of right to relief. Thus does the system always disturb and often destroy the moral and kindly relation which should subsist and which is natural, between the higher and lower orders. The poor man becomes stiff and sturdy; the rich man indifferent to the wants and sufferings of the poor one. He feels him a continual pressure, at moments inconvenient to relieve, and under circumstances where he would often withhold if he could, partly from dislike to the compulsory principle, and often not regarding the case as one of real charity, and disapproving, as he naturally may, of the whole system of poor laws’ administration. From all I have observed, I feel persuaded (and I have lived a good deal in the country, having had much connexion with the lower orders, and not having been indifferent to their condition either moral or physical) that a more mischievous system could not have been devised—that poverty has been greatly increased by weakening the springs of individual effort, and destroying independence of character—that the lower orders have become tricky, sturdy and unobliging, the higher orders cold and uncharitable; and in short, that ere long, unless some strenuous steps are taken, Denmark will drink deep of the bitter cup of which England, by a similar system, has been so long drinking to her grievous cost. Were there no other objection, the machinery is wanting to conduct so delicate and complicated a system. And were it the best possible, and had the managers no other occupation but the one, the ingenuity of idleness to escape from action is so great, that it would often, very often, defeat eyes less actively open to detect it. I have spoken with few who do not object to the system from first to last, or who do not press an opinion that the state of the population before the existence of the poor laws was more desirable by far than at present.

4. On the mutual dependence and affection of parent, children, and other relatives?—No doubt it materially disturbs the natural dependence and affection of parent and child. The latter feels his parent comparatively needless to him; he obtains support elsewhere; and the former feels the obligation to support the latter greatly diminished. In short, being comparatively independent of each other, the affections must inevitably become blunted.

5. What, on the whole, is the condition of the able-bodied and self-supporting labourer of the lowest class, as compared with the condition of the person subsisting on alms or public charity; is the condition of the latter, as to food and freedom from labour, more or less eligible?—Were I a Danish labourer, I would endeavour to live partly on my own labour, and partly on the parish, and I feel persuaded that a labourer so living in Denmark will be better off than one who gets no help from the parish; that is, the former, from a knowledge that he may fall back on the parish, will spend all he earns at the time on coffee, spirits, tobacco, snuff, &c., whereas the latter, who certainly can live on his industry (except under extraordinary and occasional emergencies, sickness, &c.) is debarred from such gratifications. Under such circumstances, the poorer labourer is better off than the poor one.

And his views are supported by the following observations of Count Holstein:

1st. The dread of poverty is diminished, and he who is half-poor works less instead of more, so that he speedily becomes a complete pauper. Those who are young and capable of labour are less economical, always having the poor rate in view, as a resource against want; likewise marriages are contracted with much less forethought, or consideration as to consequences.

2d. The morality of the poor man suffers, for he looks upon his provision as a right, for which he, therefore, need not be thankful; and, 3d, the morality of the rich man suffers, for the natural moral relation between him and the poor man has become completely severed; there is no place left for the exercise of his benevolence; being obliged to give, he does it with reluctance, and thus is the highest principle of charitable action, Christian love, exposed to great danger of destruction.

4th. As the clergyman of the parish is the president of the poor committee, he becomes involved in transactions peculiarly unsuited to his sacred calling, sometimes even compelled to resort to the extremity of distraint to compel his own parishioners to pay the allotted proportions; and thus does the moral influence of him, who should be a picture of the God of love, become every day less and less powerful. (p. 276.)

We have entered into this full statement of the Danish poor laws, and of their administration, because they exhibit the most extensive experiment that has as yet been made in any considerable portion of the Continent of a system in many respects resembling our own.

MECKLENBURG.

The following passage, at the conclusion of M. Meyen’s report, gives a short summary of the poor laws of Mecklenburg: (p. 424.)

Every inhabitant is obliged to pay certain poor rates, with the exception of military men, up to a certain rank, students, clerks in counting-houses and shops, assistant artisans and servants.

When the crown lands are let, there is always a clause in the contract, to regulate what the farmer, the dairy farmer, the smith and the shepherd, are to give. A day labourer pays 8d. yearly.

The inhabitants of higher situation and public officers pay voluntarily. They ought to pay one per cent. of their income. If any one pays too little, the overseers of the poor rates can oblige him to pay more. The overseers are chosen by the inhabitants of the district.

In the towns all inhabitants pay a voluntary subscription; it ought to be one per cent. of their income. If they pay too little, the overseers can demand more. The overseers are chosen by the magistrate.

With respect to estates belonging to private individuals, the subsistence of the poor falls entirely to the charge of the proprietor, who is entitled to levy a trifling tax from all the inhabitants of the estate, equal to a simple contribution amounting to 8d. for a day labourer per annum, and 4d. for a maid servant. Few proprietors, however, levy such a tax.

Every one has a legal claim to assistance, and there are to be distinguished,

1st. Able-bodied persons. Work and a dwelling must be provided for them; the former at the usual rate, in order not to render them quite destitute, if through chicane work should be denied to them.

2d. People, impotent through age, must perform such work as they are capable of, and so much must be given to them that they can live upon it, besides a dwelling and fuel.

PRUSSIA.

There is some difficulty in reconciling Mr. Abercrombie’s report and Mr. Gibsone’s. The following is Mr. Abercrombie’s statement: (pp. 425, 426.)

Throughout the whole kingdom of Prussia, the funds for the maintenance and support of the poor are raised from private charity. No law exists enabling either the government of the country, or the subordinate provincial regencies, to raise funds explicitly appropriated for the provision of the poor, and it is only when private charity does not suffice for the exigencies of the moment, that the government, or the regency, advance money for that purpose. But to enable them to do so, the amount must be taken from those funds which had been destined for other purposes, such as, for improvements in paving, lighting, or for the public buildings of a town, or for the construction of roads, or other public works.

In Prussia, each town, and each commune, is obliged to take charge of the poor that may happen to reside within them; and consequently there is no passing from one parish to another, or refusal to maintain an individual because he belongs to another parish.

In each town there is a deputation (called armen-direction) or society for the poor, who undertake the collection and distribution of funds raised by charity. In small towns, of under 3,500 inhabitants, exclusive of military, this society is composed of the burgomaster, together with the town deputies (forming the town senate) and burghers chosen from the various quarters of the town.

In large and middle-sized towns, including from 3,500 to 10,000 inhabitants, exclusive of military, to the afore-mentioned individuals is always added the syndic (or town accomptant), and if necessary, another magistrate. Clergymen and doctors are likewise included in the society; and where the police of the place has a separate jurisdiction from the magistrate, the president of the police has always a seat as a member of the society.

Under this armen-direction the care of the poor is confided to different sub-committees formed of the burghers, and for this purpose the town is divided into poor districts (or armenbezirke). In small and middle-sized towns, these districts are again divided into sub-districts, containing not above 1,000, or less than 400 souls. In large towns the sub-districts are to comprise not above 1,500, or less than 1,000 souls; and in these last towns several sub-districts may, if requisite, be united into one poor district or armenbezirke.

From each armenbezirke must be elected one or more of the town deputies, or burghers, according to necessity, for the management of the affairs of the poor; and it is also required that at least one of those elected should be a member of the society for the poor (or armen-direction), and these individuals are required to find out and verify the condition of the poor of their own district.

The direction of the affairs of the poor is therefore, as thus established, confided entirely to the burghers of the town, and the provision of the funds rests upon the charity and benevolence of the inhabitants.

As regards hospitals and public charities, one or more of the members of the armen-direction undertake to watch that the funds are expended according to the provisions made by the founders.

In the villages, the direction of the funds for the poor is confided to the mayor (or schûltze), assisted by individuals chosen for that purpose from amongst the principal inhabitants of the commune.

This body is accountable to the councillor of the district (or land rath), who is in like manner under the jurisdiction of the provincial regency, and the whole is under the inspection of the 1st section of the home department.

I have now specified the authorities who control the maintenance for the poor, and who are likewise charged with the care of administering to their wants.

As regards the manner of obtaining the necessary funds, everything is done by donations and private charity. Each house proprietor, each inhabitant of a floor or apartment, is in his turn visited by some of the members of the sub-committee of the armenbezirke, who, in return for the donation, deliver a receipt for the amount.

The donations from residents are generally monthly, and vary in amount according to the number of individuals in the family, or to the feelings of generosity of the donor. No rate or calculated fixed table exists, regulating the sum to be given by each individual or head of a family.

Each town being governed by its own particular laws and customs with regard to the management of its poor, and each from accidental circumstances differing from its neighbour, it is impossible to particularize any other general principle that is followed, than the establishments of the armen-direction, and of the sub-committees; which detailed information I have extracted as above from the Städte Ordnüng, or town laws, as revised in 1831.

As regards the practical working of this system, I have no hesitation in affirming, that it is found universally to succeed; that the effect upon the comfort, character, and condition of the inhabitants, is, first, to afford speedy and sufficient means of relief when necessary; that it prevents in a great degree false applications, inasmuch as that the districts being small, the really needy are more easily discovered; and secondly, that as no tax is fixed for the maintenance of the poor, it renders all classes more willing and anxious to assist, according to their respective means, in sustaining the funds required for the support of the poor. (p. 426.)

On the other hand, the following is the statement of Mr. Gibsone: (pp. 460, 461, 463, 464.)

In general it is the duty of the police authority in every community, where any person in distress may come, to render him the needful assistance for the moment, which must be repaid,
a) by the provincial pauper fund, if the person be a foreigner, or have no domicile; or,
b) by the community, or owner of the estate (called the dominium), he belongs to, if a native of the country.

Destitute Able-bodied.

Every pretended needy person is duly examined by a medical man, whether he be bodily and mentally able to maintain himself (it is the same with families) by work, and in this case he is required by the police to do so, and to conduct himself properly. Any one who does not, is sent to the poor-and-workhouse (the work is compulsive) of the province, where he is taught to earn a livelihood. If the distress be temporary, the proprietor of the estate (called the dominium), or the community in which the indigent person has acquired a settlement, is bound to afford the requisite relief; yet having the right to claim restitution, upon the assisted person becoming able to make it. When this is not the case, and the relief has been afforded by a community, the members of it must bear the expense, if in a town, out of its general funds; if in the country, in the proportions they pay the land-tax to the king, called war-contribution. The support is rendered in giving a dwelling, (with a garden, if in the country), fuel, salt, money, &c., wholly or partly, sometimes by boarding the pauper, according to the necessity of the case.

There is in every province a poor-and-workhouse (the work compulsive), for receiving the following persons:

a) such as have indeed a fixed place of abode in the country, yet seek their livelihood by begging, although able to work;
b) actual paupers, who receive a fixed maintenance or aid from communities, benevolent institutions, &c., yet, notwithstanding, wander about the country begging;
c) invalid soldiers, found begging, as every soldier who has been rendered invalid in war enjoys a pension from the state (a very small one);
d) travelling handicraftsmen, as none are permitted to travel in their profession who have not the means of subsistence, or are above 30 years old;
e) foreign vagabonds, until they can be transported over the borders;
f) those who have been punished for crime, in the fortress or house of correction, and after expiration of their term of punishment, are unable to show how they can earn an honest livelihood;
g) such as by particular sentences are, or by future laws may be, declared subjects for the compulsive workhouse.

It is left to every proprietor of an estate (called the dominium), to every town and village community, to provide and select, at their option, a livelihood for those individuals, having a settlement under their jurisdiction, who cannot procure such for themselves. Should a proprietor of an estate, or a community, not fulfil this obligation, it is compelled to do so, but which seldom is necessary.

It is to be observed, that when, from bad crops, inundations, &c., a general scarcity occurs in particular parts of the country, works of public utility, such as turnpike-roads, drains, and the like, are ordered by government, in order to afford the inhabitants the means of subsistence, which work is paid for with money, grain, salt, or other articles, as most suitable, according to circumstances.

No person, able-bodied or capable of earning a livelihood, has a legal claim for support, but he can only, when misfortune befals him, receive a temporary aid in the way of an advance. For further answers to this question, see the preceding answers.

All children capable of going to school are obliged to attend it. Those whose parents are unable to pay the expense, must be sent thither at the cost of the community to which they belong, which must also do the needful for clothing, feeding, educating, and apprenticing them. Such children also frequently receive assistance from private benevolent societies and individuals.

Impotent through Age.

In the towns, the community must provide for all the absolute wants of the poor out of the municipal funds, and in every town a board is established for directing the management of these affairs.

In the country, the proprietors of the estates, or the village authorities, must provide for these wants, for which, in the latter case, the members of the village community must contribute in the proportions as they pay the taxes to the king, say the land-tax, called war contribution.

In Dantzig, the poor, besides being placed in the poor-house, or, otherwise assisted, receive alms at their homes from a charitable society of the citizens, whose funds arise partly from private contributions, and partly from an annual supply out of the municipal funds. From this society about 1000 persons yearly receive support (about one-third males and two-thirds females), but not above about 3s. to 4s., and not under 1s. monthly, for the time the support is required. In winter, when severe, they get also firing, partly in fir-wood, but chiefly in turf. The sum thus disbursed is now considerably less than before, from the control on the part of the magistracy being much stricter. The whole annual expense of the society is about 1200l. sterling.

Sick.

The law prescribes that every town and every village community must support its own members when in distress, provided there be no relations able to do so, and the owners of estates are under a similar obligation; hence the sick stand under the same regulations as the impotent through age.

Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

The regulations for the support of paupers operate beneficially on industry. Every proprietor of an estate, every community of a town or village has unquestionably the most correct knowledge of the bodily condition, of the moral conduct, of the expertness, of the capability to earn a livelihood in whole or in part, and of the pecuniary circumstances of the needy persons under their jurisdiction, whom they are bound to support, as well as of the circumstances of their relatives. The pauper knows that aid must always be given when necessary, and he applies to the proper authority for it, when not duly afforded; while he is, on the other hand, deterred from making exorbitant claims by his situation being so thoroughly known in every respect, and from ungrounded demands not being complied with. In general, therefore, neither the party called upon for assistance, nor that requiring it, inclines to let the authority interpose, but an amicable arrangement usually takes place between them, according to existing circumstances. The pauper must perform what service or work he can for those who assist him, or for himself, towards contributing to his own support as far as in his power; while those rendering assistance can seek only in themselves the means to do so, of course in the least expensive and most suitable manner. The paupers are employed at various kinds of work and service, accordingly as such is wanted and as they are able to perform it, and this as well for their supporters, privately, as in the public workhouses.

It is, in general, to be observed that the right of settlement of individuals is established in the following manner:—

If any person acquires the right of citizenship in a town, or a possession (house or lying-ground) in the country, or if he is permitted by the local authority to form a regular domicile by becoming a householder, he then is considered as an expressly accepted member of the community, and the obligation to support him, when reduced to want, immediately commences. So soon, therefore, as any person shows an intention to settle, or to become a householder, in a place, it is the business of the community, or of those interested, to ascertain, through the medium of the proper local authority, whether or not the emigrant possesses sufficient means to maintain himself there. Should this not be the case, and he is evidently unable to earn a livelihood, then must the support of the individual (or family) be borne by the community where he has previously dwelt, and it is not advisable to permit the change of domicile. Thence is the rule justified, that upon any person being regularly received as member of a community, with the express consent of its magistracy, that community becomes bound to render him support, when his situation requires it. Minors belong to the community in which their parents were settled, even after the death of these. With regard to other inhabitants, only that town or village community is bound to maintain a pauper where he last contributed to its public burthens.

A person who is of age, and has resided three succeeding years in a place (for instance, as servant,) acquires by that the right of settlement, but which he again loses by leaving the place for one year. Privileged corporations, that possess a particular poor-fund, or raise among themselves, pursuant to their laws, the means to provide for their needy members, are specially bound to maintain them.

In conformity with the rules before stated, must also the wives, widows, and destitute children of paupers be supported by the communities or corporations, or the owners of the estates.

Paupers for whom communities, corporations, proprietors of estates, or relatives are not bound to provide, according to the foregoing rules, or when these are unable to do so, have to be maintained in provincial poor and workhouses. These are established at the expense of government, and supported by contributions from the whole province.

We are inclined to suspect that the practice corresponds with Mr. Abercrombie’s account, and the general law with Mr. Gibsone’s, and that the pauper possesses a legal right to assistance, though that right is seldom enforced, because the impotent are voluntarily provided for, and the able-bodied would probably be sent to a penal workhouse. It is probable indeed that the law itself is vague as respects the relief of the able-bodied. The difficulty in framing a poor-law, of either expressly admitting or expressly rejecting their claim, is such that almost all who have legislated on the subject have left their legal right undecided. Mr. Gibsone’s statement, that no person able-bodied or capable of earning a livelihood has a legal claim for support, is inconsistent with his general account of the law, unless we change or into and.

SAXONY.

But little information has been received from Saxony.

Some of the modes in which relief is administered appear, as they are nakedly stated in the Report, to be liable to great abuse. We are told that persons receive from the parishes to which they belong assistance in proportion to their inability to maintain themselves; that a sum is fixed as necessary to support a man, and that if he cannot earn the whole, the difference is given to him as relief; and that with respect to lodging, the parish interferes in cases where ejectment takes place on account of non-payment of house-rent, and guarantees payment for a short time to those who agree to receive the houseless (p. 479). These customs, as they are mentioned, resemble the worst forms of English mal-administration,—allowance and payment of rent.

Mr. Forbes, however, states that more relief than is strictly necessary is never given; and that it has been the steady determination of every government to render the situation of those receiving parochial relief too irksome for it to proceed from any other than the merest necessity. It is probable, therefore, that a strict administration prevents the customs which have been mentioned from being sufficiently prevalent to produce what have been their consequences with us.

WURTEMBERG.

The information respecting Wurtemberg is remarkably full and precise, having been collected with great care by Sir Edward Disbrowe and Mr. Wellesley, assisted by the provincial authorities and the government.

The kingdom of Wurtemberg consists of about 8000 square English miles, inhabited by 1,578,000 persons, being about 200 persons to a square mile. It is divided into 64 bailiwicks, which are subdivided into civil communities or parishes, containing each not less than 500 individuals. Each parish constitutes a separate corporation, and the parishes in each bailiwick also constitute one superior corporation.

A large proportion of the parishes appears to possess a fund called pium corpus, arising partly from voluntary contribution and other casual receipts, but principally from funds which previously to the Reformation had been employed for the purposes of the Roman Catholic worship, and instead of being confiscated by the government, as was the case in England, were directed to be employed for charitable purposes.

Many of them also have almshouses, or, as they are called in the Reports, hospitals for the residence of the poor, and other endowments for their use; and almost all possess an estate called an allemand, which is the joint property of the persons for the time being having bürgerrecht, or the right of citizenship in the parish, and is, together with the pium corpus and endowments, the primary fund for the relief of the poor. Subject to the claims of the poor, the allemand is divided among the bürghers, without reference to their wealth or their wants, but apparently in equal proportion to each head of a family, and enjoyed in severalty, but inalienably, either for life or for a shorter period.

Sir E. Disbrowe states (p. 485) that the government of the parish is vested in the mayor and a certain number of counsellors for life (who appear to be appointed by the government), and an equal number of representatives chosen by the bürghers, half of whom go out by rotation every second year.

About nine-tenths of the population appear to be bürghers; the remainder are called beisitzers or settled non-freemen, and differ from the bürghers by having no claim on the allemand, or vote in the election of the parochial authorities.

Bürgerrecht is obtained by inheritance, or by purchase at a sum regulated by law, but varying according to the allemand and the population of each parish.

It is lost by emigration or misconduct. 1st, A person who has lost his bürgerrecht is entitled to purchase that right in the parish in which he formerly possessed it: a person who never possessed that right is entitled to purchase it; 2dly, In the parish in which he spent the last five years. In default of this claim, 3dly, in the parish in which he obtained his marriage license. 4thly, If unmarried, in the parish in which he was born; or 5thly, if he have none of these claims, in the parish to which the police thinks fit to assign him. If he cannot or will not pay the requisite purchase-money, he is bound by payment of half the previous sum to constitute himself a beisitzer, and has similar claims to admission as a beisitzer. If he cannot pay this sum he is assigned by the police to a parish, as a beisitzer, without payment.

Having given this outline of the mode in which the population is distributed, we proceed to state, from the report furnished by the government, the degree and mode in which the poor are relieved. (Pages 524, 525, 537, 538, 539, 540, 541, 542, 543, 547.)

39. He who cannot derive the necessaries of life either from his property, his labour, or his trade, nor be supported by his nearest relations and other persons bound to it by private right, has a claim on the support of the (political or civil) community in which he has the right of a burgher or of a beisitzer.

In times of particular distress, not only those who are absolutely poor, but those also who are indeed not without property, but, by the unfavourable circumstances of the times, are rendered incapable of providing the necessaries of life for themselves and their children, have a right to require, from the communities of which they are members, the necessary support. Thus, in the year of scarcity in 1817, the spiritual and temporal overseers of the communities were expressly made responsible by the government, that none of those who were confided to their superintendence and care should be exposed to suffer want; with the threat, that if, for want of care on the part of the overseers, any person should perish, the guilty should be prosecuted with all the rigour of the law.

If a person belonging to one or more communities has need of public support, the share to be borne by each is determined by the government authorities, having respect to the merely personal or family connexion with the several communities.

Each of the three religious persuasions prevailing in the kingdom has the full enjoyment of its poor fund. Poor members of the community, however, who belong to a religious persuasion different to that which prevails in the place, cannot be denied the necessary relief from the poor fund of the place, on account of the difference of religion.

Of the Bailiwick Corporations.

40. If a community has so many poor, or is so limited in its resources, that it is not in a condition properly to support its poor, the other communities of the bailiwick, particularly the towns, so far as they are better able, and have few or no poor, are bound by the law to assist such a poor community with their alms. A general obligation of the bailiwick corporation to assist those communities of the bailiwicks which are not able to afford the necessary assistance to their poor inhabitants, is not ordained by the laws, unless such assistance is to the interest of the bailiwick corporation as such.

In the year 1817, however, the bailiwick corporations were enjoined, so long as the dearth lasted, and with reference to old laws, in case single communities should be unable sufficiently to provide for all the inhabitants, to give them credit so far as to answer either partly or entirely for the debt, but always with the reservation of repayment by the receivers of the aid. And with respect to the support of the poor, which are assigned to a community, it is expressly ordered, that if the assignment is founded on one of the titles to a right of settlement enumerated under 1, 2, and 3[6], the community against which the right is established is to bear only one-third, and the whole of the bailiwick the other two-thirds; but if the assignment is founded on one of the other titles, the whole bailiwick has to take upon itself this support. The expense which is hereby incurred by a bailiwick, constitutes an object of what is called amtsvergleichung, and is imposed on the whole old and now rateable cadastre of the bailiwick.

Of the Duty of the State.

41. The public Exchequer affords, partly on account of the previous sequestration of the church property, and of some other funds and revenues destined for pious and charitable purposes, and partly without any such special legal ground, contributions for the foundation and support of various public beneficent institutions, and it sometimes assists single bailiwicks, communities, and individuals in particular cases, by contributions for charitable purposes. But a general obligation of the public Exchequer to intervene, in case of the inability of the communities or bailiwicks, is no where enacted in the laws of Wurtemberg, and is also not recognised by the government, because too great liberality on its part, and the grant of a distinct head of expenditure for this purpose, as in general the transferring of local burthens to the public exchequer, might lead to very extensive consequences, and might gradually give rise to always increasing claims, which, in the impossibility of ranging single cases under general points of view, it might not be always possible successfully to meet.

Amount of Relief to the Poor.

42. What is necessary for a poor person or a poor family, and how much such a person or family may require for their necessary support, is not expressed in the laws of Wurtemberg; on the contrary, the answer to this question is left to the judgment of the magistrate in every particular case. In fact, it is not well susceptible of a general answer, because the wants of men are so very different, according to their constitutions and inclinations, and the means of satisfying these wants depend too much on personal, local, and temporary circumstances.

Support and Employment of the Adult Poor.

Relief of the able-bodied out-doors.

75. With respect to the adult poor, it is enacted by our oldest laws, that such grown-up poor who would willingly work, but cannot find employment, shall, as far as possible, have means found them by the magistrates to earn a livelihood by their labour; but that lazy idlers who are strong and healthy shall be compelled to work; and, according to a recent ordinance, the able-bodied who claim support from the public funds are bound to take any work for which they have adequate strength, whether it be public or private, which is assigned to them by the local overseers, receiving for it proportionate moderate wages. If they refuse to do the work assigned them, and cannot allege that they can earn something by other work, or produce some other excuse, the overseer is authorized to employ towards them means of compulsion.

According to old laws, poor persons who still have a house and lands, or at least some little portions of land, and who have suffered by failure of the crops, frost, &c., or who cannot sow their lands, or are unable to dispose of them without great loss, but are still able to work, and have hopes of retrieving their losses in the harvest and autumn, shall be assisted by the communities, which, according as the case may be, shall lend to them from the public fund a sufficient sum, to be repaid as they may be able to do it in course of time, or shall at least give security for them.

The laws also order that in public works which the communities have executed by daily labourers, able-bodied poor who have a claim to support from the public funds shall be employed in preference. In places where the hospitals have lands of their own, and farm them on their own account, poor persons are also employed in preference, at suitable wages.

Not only in the year of scarcity, 1817, and subsequently, many adult poor have been employed at suitable wages on the public account in other hard work, such as forest labours, planting trees, cultivating waste lands, turf-digging, working in the quarries, lime-pits, or excavating for antiquities, pulling down old buildings, cutting down avenues of old trees, levelling ground, laying out new public walks or churchyards, draining marshes, cleaning common sewers and streets, working at bridges, roads, and canals, &c.

79. According to the ancient laws, the communities are bound to advance money on loan according to the ability of the poor fund, and to the circumstances of the persons, to poor mechanics who cannot begin or carry on their trade, without assistance, which sum they are to repay as they may be able to do in time.

81. But the indirect support of the poor by employment and loans has, however, its limits.

The extraordinary expense incurred in 1817, for public works, was indeed justified at that time by the extraordinary distress; but for the constant prosecution of such works, there would be wanting, in most places, occasion and opportunity, and at all events the necessary means; nor could the communities well be expected, merely for the sake of employing the poor, to have such works done by them if they are not absolutely necessary, or at least urgently required at the moment, or if they could be performed at a cheaper rate by contract or by statute labour.

In many places there is not always an opportunity to obtain work for daily wages, with private persons, especially in winter, and for women and children; or at least the wages at different times of the year, and for many kinds of work, are too small to support a family, and when public institutions for giving employment are in question, great prudence is necessary, that while one person is provided with work and wages, another may not find the source of gain interrupted or cut off by which he has hitherto obtained a livelihood without the assistance of the magistrates.

But when due attention is paid to these very important considerations, it is extremely difficult, in Wurtemberg at least, to find means of employing the poor capable of work, by the intervention of the magistrates, when they are themselves not able to obtain suitable employment, and this difficulty must increase from year to year, in which the number and extent of the public institutions for employing children increase, and as the employment of the prisoners in the penal establishments (police and workhouses, and houses of correction) is extended.

On this account, there are indeed in the capital, and in some other places, where for the sake of the moral gain a small pecuniary sacrifice is not regarded, particular public establishments for employing the adult poor in spinning, and other such work; but they nowhere extend to a whole bailiwick. Wherever they still exist, though the poor in them are not fed and clothed, but only employed, their support requires considerable annual aid from public funds; and in most places the establishments formerly opened for the employment of the adult poor have been entirely broken up, with the exception of a part of the inhabitants of the poor-houses (s. 91).

Consequently, and especially till the new institutions for the better education of the youthful poor shall have been able to produce their entire effect, there will still remain in Wurtemberg a very considerable number, not only of poor unable or unwilling to work, but also of such as are both able and willing, who cannot be supported otherwise than directly.

82. In many places the local poor are, with this view, allowed themselves to collect gifts in money, food, &c. from the wealthier inhabitants of the place; but in most of these places this kind of collecting of such gifts is limited to the houses of certain of the richer inhabitants, who have given them express permission to do so, and to fixed days and hours, and it is likewise subject to the superintendence of the police: but as a general rule, the poor are prohibited from personal collecting of gifts, even in their own place of residence. On the other hand, those poor persons in whose cases the above-described indirect means of relief are not applicable, or not sufficient for their necessary support, regularly receive everywhere out of the public funds of the community to which they belong, and under different names, such as alms, gratuity, pension, board, &c., partly weekly, monthly, quarterly, or annually, partly without any fixed time, as need may be, gifts according to the wants of the individuals relieved, and the ability of the community, sometimes amounting to only one or a few florins, sometimes to 20, 50, 70, and even 100 and more florins, for each person or family in a year. With respect to the extent of these gifts, there is nowhere any general, legal ordinance; but the question, how much is requisite for the necessary support of each individual or of each family, remains entirely for the consideration of the authorities which have to give the relief.

In-door relief.

67. Adult poor who, on account of their great age, or of weakness, infirmity, and sickness of body or mind, or on account of immoral conduct, cannot be left to themselves, and who have no relations legally bound and able to superintend and take care of them, and who consequently would not be sufficiently relieved merely by a present in money or in kind, are even now, especially in small towns, taken in by all the members of the community in their turn, from house to house, by the day or by the week, or else put out to board in a fixed private house at the expense of the local funds.

But as nobody readily determines to admit such persons to his table and his house, particularly persons affected with the itch and other contagious disorders; and as even the most careful selection of such private boarding-houses, with the best superintendence which is possible in such cases, frequently answers neither the expectations of those who provide such accommodation, nor the wants of those intended to be provided, it is very fortunate that, partly so far back as the 14th and 15th centuries,—partly in modern and very recent times, almost in every large and small town, and even in some villages,—partly by particular endowments for the purpose,—partly at the expense of the local funds, a distinct public poor-house, or even several such poor-houses, have been built, or purchased, or taken from debtors in lieu of payment, which were not precisely intended to provide for persons of the above description, but rather to receive foreign vagabonds, and also for fear of the leprosy, plague, or cholera; which establishments, founded under various denominations, such as poor-house, beggars’-house, hospital, lazaretto, infirmary, leprosy-house, cholera-house, &c., &c., now that the entrance of foreign vagrants is prevented, and the fear of plague, leprosy, and cholera is past, can be made use of for the reception of the native poor belonging to the above classes.

Many of these houses can, indeed, accommodate only 10, 20, 30, or 40 persons, but many of them are calculated for a hundred or several hundred persons.

Formerly it was usual to receive also poor children, with or without their parents, into these houses, but latterly the children are otherwise disposed of, and only married persons, without children, or single adult poor, are admitted, who for the most part are, as far as possible, kept separate according to their sex, and partly according to other circumstances, especially as prescribed by existing ordinances. Separate rooms for insane and sick persons, particularly for those who have the venereal disease and the itch, are fitted up in these poor-houses, so as to answer, as much as possible, this particular object; and in some cases separate buildings are allotted for this purpose.

90. In many of these poor-houses, those who are admitted into them have only free lodging and firing, and sometimes clothing; and to provide for their other wants, a weekly, monthly, or annual allowance in money or in kind.

In others, they are directly provided with every thing; that is, they have in the house free lodging, candles, firing, bedding, clothes, food, and in case of sickness, medical care, medicine, and attendance. In general, in this case, each of the two sexes, or a great number of such persons, nearly of the same class, have a common sleeping-room, and a common eating and working-room. Sometimes however only two, three, or four poor persons together, and often even individual poor have their separate rooms.

In the common sleeping-rooms, every person has his separate bed, generally feather beds, such as are usually found in poor independent families.

The clothing is mostly warmer and stronger, but not so good-looking and more old-fashioned than that of the poorer independent citizens.

The food consists, generally, in the morning of soup, at noon a farinaceous dish and vegetables, and once, twice, rarely three times in the week, of a quarter or half a pound of meat; in the evening of soup, together with milk or potatoes. There are, however, poor-houses where they get no breakfast in the morning; at dinner only farinaceous food or vegetables (not both together), and once a week only, or even but a few times in the year, on certain holidays, or even not at all, meat, and in the evening nothing but soup.[7] When this diet is furnished by contract, 5, 5½, 6, 7, 8 to 8½ kreutzer daily per head are at present paid for it; besides which, however, the contractor mostly has lodging and firing gratis, and the use of a garden.

Besides this, every person receives in most of these houses, 3, 3½, 4, 5, 6, and even 7 pounds of bread weekly, and in some places a few kreutzer every week for snuff; wine is given only where there are special endowments for that purpose, mostly on certain holidays. The sick have better and lighter food and wine, as the physician thinks fit to prescribe in every case.

In some of these houses, more, and in others less, care is taken that the inmates of them do not unnecessarily go out, and that those who are able to do some work are not idle. Some hospitals have lands which they keep in their own hands, and in this case the inmates are employed as much as possible in assisting in the agricultural operations. Where there is no land, they must at least prepare the necessary firewood, carry wood and water, help in washing, cooking, and other domestic employments; they must spin, wind yarn, knit, sew, make clothes and shoes for the house, &c. In some poor-houses they are also employed in making wooden pegs for shoemakers and tilers, matches, &c.

On the whole, however, the employment of these people in the poor-houses does not produce much.

In the year 1817, and during the dearth which prevailed at that time, an old law which had fallen into desuetude was revived; according to which, the rich and opulent who, after having been previously applied to for voluntary contributions, should not come forward in a manner suitable to their property, are to be taxed by the magistrates in a sum conformable to their income, and according to all the circumstances of their situation.

The comparative situation of the pauper and the independent labourer is thus stated at the conclusion of the Government Report:—

If we now compare the situation of one of the poorest of the Wurtemberg poor who support themselves independently by their labour without external aid (see § 40.), with that of one of the more favoured of the Wurtemberg poor who lives by public charity, for instance, the inmate of an hospital, and even of a prison, it might certainly appear that the condition of the latter is preferable to that of the former.

In fact, we often see such hospital inmates, and even prisoners, attain the most advanced age, while many a poor day-labourer and artisan sinks at a much earlier age under the weight of his cares and the want of necessaries. In fact, many an inmate of an hospital, and many a prisoner, even with bodily infirmities and sufferings, still seems to find his condition quite comfortable, and shows himself thankful for the good which he enjoys, while many a day-labourer or artisan, in the enjoyment of good bodily health, feels himself miserable, and curses his existence; in fact, many a one seeks admission into the hospital who would be very well able to provide himself with necessaries by his work at home. In fact, the man often separates from his wife, or the wife from her husband, or from the children, to be received into the hospital. In fact, many a one does not economize, but squanders what he has, and does not work in order to earn something, because he thinks that he always has the right of being received into the hospital as a last resource. In fact, in many places where there are rich hospitals and other foundations, the number of the poor is proportionably greater than in places where less is done for their support. In fact, many a one continues to beg and to steal, who has already been frequently imprisoned for these offences, because he finds his situation in the workhouse very tolerable in comparison with the laborious life of a poor man at liberty.

However, the situation of the inmates of an hospital, even of those which are the most liberal to their inmates, is by no means so enviable as from the above comparison it might seem to be. Frequently their residence is embittered by their being obliged to live together with rude, quarrelsome, mad, silly, and disgusting persons. Many embitter their own lives by a discontentedness, which may either be natural to them, or communicated by others. Many dislike the kind or the quantity of the work allotted to them, the restrictions with respect to the time of going out and returning home which are prescribed by the regulations of the house. Prisoners, in particular, consider the loss of their freedom as an intolerable burden. Besides this, too, the treatment is by no means in general and in every poor-house so good as it is represented in the above comparison; hence it is not the case with all the poor received into a poor-house, that they have voluntarily sought admission there, or that they voluntarily and willingly remain in it; hence, too, the applications for admission to these houses are not everywhere equally pressing; hence the assertion that the existence of such houses increases the numbers of prodigals, idlers, and poor, cannot be taken as generally correct.

At all events, the above comparison applies to the actual inmates of the hospital, rather than to those poor who are relieved only by money and commodities, or by finding them employment; for the relief which they receive in this manner is in most places dealt out with so scanty a measure, that their situation is little or not at all better than that of a healthy poor person, who maintains himself independently by the labour of his hands, without external assistance. The independent poor man always has the cheering consciousness of maintaining himself and his family by his own exertions, and of enjoying the respect of his fellow-citizens, which is always lost in a greater or less degree by the poor man who receives relief, to whom, in the eyes of the better classes, a kind of disgrace attaches, which must often fall on the idle, who is excluded from elections of the community, &c., restricted in marrying, &c.

And the authors go on to express a belief that pauperism is diminishing, and that the number of paupers, which in 1820 amounted to 64,896, does not now exceed 50,000, or about 1-30th of the whole population.

The preference which the government reporter appears to give to out-door relief is opposed to the preface to the rules of the Weinsburg House of Industry.

The former mode of providing for the wants of the poor by weekly relief in money or in bread, by giving them clothes, or providing them small apartments, or by paying their rent or their board, entrained many abuses, and therefore little effected its end; in fact, it wanted the superintendence essential to the management of a class of men for the most part of irregular and dissipated habits. Employment was not furnished to those who were yet in a state to work; and there were no means of repressing mendicity and vice.—(p. 500.)

The object of this establishment is said to be,

Art. 1.—To provide a common habitation, and all other necessaries, for all those who, whether sick or in health, need assistance.

Art. 2.—As far as it may be possible, to furnish them with employment, according to their capability of work.

Art. 3.—Not only to provide work for those who ask for it, but to enforce it from those who, being without property, neither engage in trade nor in service, but endeavour to live at the expense of others.

2. Conditions of Admission.

The persons who need assistance are, with few exceptions, men of vicious, or careless, or improvident habits, who are now unable to earn their bread. The old practice was, to pay their rent, furnish them with fuel, or give them weekly allowances in money or bread; but there was no certainty that these gifts were well employed. For this reason, only persons worthy of assistance are received, clothed, and fed in this institution: for, in our country, well-disposed people, even with little talent, can always earn their own maintenance.

The aged or impotent poor may be admitted at their own request.

Art. 7.—The Directors of the establishment, as well as the President of the Committee of Founders, can order the admission of poor people if they are fully persuaded of its necessity. The person so admitted must promise, in writing, to obey the laws of the establishment. This admission requires to be confirmed at the next sitting of the Committee of Founders. The same rules apply to the admission of the indigent sick.

Art. 8.—But in no case is this charitable institution to become the periodical abode of persons not accustomed to a fixed trade, or of those who will not remain with their masters, or who would like to pass there the winter when the demand for labour is slack, or who have wasted their summer wages by spending the earnings of one day’s toil in two days of idleness and debauchery.

Art. 9.—Whoever then is once admitted, enters the establishment with all that he possesses, and engages himself to work and remain there for ever.

Art. 10.—In all cases, those who enter voluntarily, as well as those who are forced to enter, are, from the moment of admission, considered as paupers, and whatever they possess becomes the property of the foundation.

Art. 11.—In case of extraordinarily good conduct on the part of a pauper, when there is reasonable hope that he can support himself, or if he wishes to enter the service of a respectable family, the Council of Foundation may permit him to leave the Institution. In this case his property is restored to him, after deducting, from a person capable of work, 58f., and from one incapable of work 88f. The expense of their residence is deducted from the property of the sick.

All persons of the age of fourteen, who cannot prove that they are in the service of a respectable family, may be forced to work in the Institution.

Art. 12.—All persons of either sex, who are not in a state to maintain themselves, either from their property or by industry, and who become chargeable to others may be admitted; but, before the police can require their admission, it must be shown that they have been punished three times, either for mendicity or theft—(p. 501.)

Regulations of this severity prove that the able-bodied paupers at least are a small and degraded class, exciting little sympathy, for whom enough is supposed to be done if they are prevented from starving. As far indeed as can be collected from the Weinsberg regulations, the undeserving may be utterly refused relief, since it does not appear that relief is to be given out of the house, and the applications for admission by undeserving objects are to be rejected.

The actual working of the system may be best inferred from the detailed accounts supplied by Sir Edward Disbrowe of 18 parishes.

Of these four, that is Obertürkheim, Osweil, Necker Weihingen, and Egolsheim, provide for their poor by rates levied on all the inhabitants. During each of four years, from 1829 to 1832 inclusive, the persons receiving relief in Obertürkheim were three out of a population of 842, at an annual expense of 5l. 0s. 3d., or about 1½d. per head on the whole population. In Osweil the average number was eight, out of a population of 1608; average annual expense 25l., or about 3½d. a head. In Necker Weihingen, of which the population is 1070, the persons relieved were, in 1829, one man; in 1830, one man and one woman; in 1831, one man and one woman; and the annual expense in 1829 was 5l.; and in each of the years 1830 and 1831, 4l. 3s. 4d., or about 1d. a head. The number relieved in Egolsheim, of which the population is 618, is not mentioned; but it must have been very trifling, since the average annual expense is stated at 2l. 1s. 8d., which is less than 1d. per head.

In those places in which the relief of the poor is wholly or principally supplied from endowments, the annual expenditure is, as might have been expected, much larger. But even in these it seldom amounts to 1s. per head on the whole population, being about one-twelfth of the average expenditure in England. And in the whole bailiwick of Ludwigsberg, containing 29,068 inhabitants, in the year 1831 only 372 persons received regular, and 371 persons irregular (and indeed merely medical) relief. The kingdom of Wurtemberg, therefore, appears to have been, as yet, eminently successful in reconciling a recognition of the right to relief with economy in its distribution.

[6] See above for the statement of the different grounds on which a man may claim the right to obtain a settlement in a parish.

[7] The word “suppe,” here and elsewhere translated by the word soup, has, however, a far more general signification; the proper definition of it being “boiled fluid food, eaten alone, warm, with a spoon.” Thus the Germans have water-soup, beer-soup, milk-soup, bread-soup, flour-soup, wine-soup, &c.

BAVARIA.

With respect to the Bavarian institutions we have little information excepting the text of the law. The following extracts will show its general law tendency: (pp. 556, 557, 558, 559, 560, 562, 563.)

Poor Law authorities.

Each town, market, and village, is to have an institution for the poor; but if several villages wish to unite in forming one of these institutions, it is not only to be permitted, but every facility is to be afforded it.

Each provincial district (landgericht) must have an institution of its own.

All the inhabitants of such district are obliged, according to their means, to contribute to that purpose; each person is, besides, bound to continue to support those poor relations whom the laws direct him to maintain.

The claims for relief are to be fixed according to the laws of their district (heimath gesetz.) Sometimes, in cases of great necessity, relief is allowed to strangers who do not belong to the parish.

The overseers consist (unless it is otherwise determined) of the directors, of the police, commissaries, and magistrates.

In cases where medical aid is necessary, they are to be attended by physicians, who are appointed by the state.

In towns and larger market towns, besides the above-named overseers, a council is to be formed, consisting of the clergyman and the mayor and persons deputed by the magistrates and all classes of the people, in proportion to the number of inhabitants of each place.

In smaller market-towns the clergyman and deputies from the peasants form this council.

When several villages join together to form one of these institutions, a general committee is to be formed.

The members of the council for the institutions for the poor are to be elected in the same way as the magistrates and mayors (burgermeister).

When several parishes are joined together, a deputy is to be chosen from each, and again, several are elected from among these, who are to take immediate charge of the affairs. Each deputy is chosen for three years, and is obliged to perform his duties without remuneration; no inhabitant is allowed to refuse to perform his functions the first time he is elected; extraordinary merits in the service of the poor are to be publicly distinguished.

Mode of relief.

The public charge is brought into action in the following manner:

1st. By institutions for working.

2d. By institutions for taking care of people who are unable to work.

3d. By institutions for alms.

1. Finding work.

1. Materials and tools are to be distributed to those paupers who, notwithstanding all inquiries and interference, cannot obtain the necessary work, to be used at their houses until the required situation can be obtained. If in larger towns the number of these is very great, houses are to be opened and maintained at the expense of the institution for the poor, in which the paupers who are unoccupied are to work.

The choice among the different sorts of work in these houses is settled according to the local circumstances, and chiefly according to the facility with which either orders from private persons can be received, or with which the material is obtained and worked; then accordingly as the material can be used for the wants of the poor or can be usefully employed for any other purpose.

The houses for the employment of the poor are always to retain their original destination, namely, an employment, for the present, of poor men who would otherwise be without work, and therefore do not admit any such persons whose names are not down on the above-named register. Therefore those persons are no longer allowed to work in this house after they have had an offer of work from any other quarter.

2. In-door relief.

2. Houses of nourishment are to be erected for those poor who, besides having no fortune or means of obtaining their livelihood, are in an extraordinary degree helpless, namely, children, sick people, old persons, and cripples.

3. Money relief.

3. Poor people who do not require extraordinary care, and who are not fit to be admitted into the particular houses of nourishment, or cannot yet be received into them, but are unable to gain their livelihood, are to be assisted by alms, which, however, are not to be given without the most complete proof of want.

The alms are to be given in the form of gifts of money. These gifts are sometimes to be increased, according to the price of provisions; and from time to time a maximum is to be fixed, which is on no account to be exceeded.

Relief by quartering on householders.

These gifts of money may, either in part or entirely, be substituted by provisions, if this sort of aid is more easily afforded with regard to lodging, nourishment, and clothing.

Their lodging is to be changed every day among the different members of the parish, but the poor who are lodged are obliged to repay this lodging by work. Where there are opportunities, rooms are to be warmed, to which the poor may bring their work.

The nourishment of the poor can be facilitated and insured by the equal division of them amongst the public, to be maintained in turn, being obliged to partake of the work of their host, or by voluntarily offered days for food, or lastly, by distribution of bread and other nourishment. Where circumstances permit, kitchens are to be erected on purpose for preparing nourishing soups, partly gratis, partly very cheap.

Liabilities of pauper.

No pauper who partakes of the benefactions of the poor institutions may go away from his dwelling without the knowledge and leave of the head of the village, to stay for some time, or permanently in another village, even if it is in the same district.

The same leave from the police direction is necessary when a pauper wishes, for some good reason, to go out of his police district; the leave is only to be given in both cases on well-grounded reasons, and on proofs that the poor will not be burdensome to other villages and districts; also he must give in a declaration to the same, in which, besides his name and village, and the duration of his absence, the villages to which he intends to go must be expressed.

Paupers who have been warned in vain concerning bad conduct and idleness shall be proceeded against without favour, by the power of magistrates, and be punished accordingly.

The poor institutions can claim repayment from those hypocrites who, although they possess private means, embezzle and grasp at the gifts and assistance which are only intended for true poverty, which shall be fully repaid. The poor institutions can make the same claim from those persons who have renounced their duty of supporting those relations whom they are obliged to support, either by law or by contract.

No marriage between people without capital shall be allowed without the previous permission of the poor institutions. Directors who do not follow these orders, nor pay attention to the Act of the 12th of July, 1808 (Government Paper, page 1506), concerning marriages in the country, have to answer for the maintenance of the new families, should they not be able to maintain themselves. In the same manner, the priests and other churchmen shall be responsible for the support of such persons as they have married without leave from the authorities, besides other fines which are imposed on this breach of the rules of the marriage ceremony.

Sources of poor fund.

Besides the extraordinary sources, which consist partly in the restitution which hypocrites and relations who avoid their duty are obliged to make, and partly out of fines which are given to the poor fund, or may be hereafter given, are sources for charity from donations from the district fund, and from loans or from taxes.

The yearly produce of all charities belongs to the poor institutions, and is used for their purposes. With the establishments for the poor are united the already existing or still accumulating capitals of one or other of the poor institutions; the gain on mortgages or on those possessions whose owners cannot be discovered; the legacies for the poor, when by the will of the deceased they are to be laid out in a regular yearly income, and the fourth part of such legacies as are destined in general for pious purposes.

The voluntary donations consist of casual gifts in money and food which have been given by philanthropic persons of their own accord, for the use of the poor institutions, and in this manner are to be employed for their daily use. Besides these, are the legacies which are meant for immediate division among the poor, and those subscriptions which are collected either by single persons or by companies and corporations.

General and extraordinary collections, in the name of the institutions for the poor, are to be made monthly from house to house, when the members of the parish have bound themselves to a certain subscription; also in the churches on the great holidays, and in the public-houses by means of private poor-boxes; and lastly, on all important and joyful occasions of the state, or companies.

According to the circumstances of the place, certain accidental funds can be appropriated to the uses of the poor institutions, which particularly on great joyful occasions, namely, great marriages in the taverns, the permission to have music, particularly past the stated times, processions of the apprentices, shooting matches, &c. &c., at shows, balls, masquerades, and so on.

When all the aforesaid sources do not suffice to cover the wants of the poor institutions, it will be supplied out of the funds of the district, or through loans, and then only when all these means cannot be put in practice, or do not suffice to cover their wants, compulsory contributions or poor-taxes are to be resorted to. The manner and amount of these are to be according to the calls of the villages and districts, and are only to be levied for a certain time. It is to be observed, however, that these taxes are to be imposed with the greatest equality, and without any exception among all classes.

Central control.

The poor institutions and committees in such towns as have no police directors or commissaries, also in the market towns and parishes, are directly under the control of the district tribunal, and under their guidance and inspection.

The inspection of the poor institutions of the whole kingdom is given to the ministry for the interior, which is to receive regularly the report of the state of this branch of administration from the annual accounts and other proper sources, and which is to issue the necessary general orders and regulations, and is to judge of the proposals for the establishment, the arrangement and fitting up of workhouses, and others in which the poor are taken care of, for single districts, whole circles, or for the entire kingdom, which decides with the ministry of finance all proposals for allowing certain taxes and poor subscriptions, decides the complaints brought against the general circle and local commissaries, if such do not belong to the private council, and causes the election of certain poor directors where it may be found advisable.

It will be observed, that these institutions bear a considerable resemblance to those of Wurtemberg. Their effects are thus summed up by Lord Erskine:

Upon carefully examining and considering these poor laws of Bavaria. I have come to the conclusion in my own mind that they are useful, and well adapted to the purposes for which they were intended, because by the establishment of the poor institutions (as they are called), by districts over the whole kingdom of Bavaria, with sufficient power by law to carry their provisions into execution, the great and important object is attained of giving relief and support to the aged, helpless, and sick, and finding work in workhouses or at their own homes, at a moderate payment, for those who cannot otherwise obtain it; for which purpose a register is to be kept by the guardians of the poor of all those persons who are in want of work, and who are therefore either a burthen upon the parish, or are likely to become so, as also a list of those who wish to employ workmen, in order to endeavour to arrange between them the terms of employment; and that this object may be the more easily attained, the directors are required to be in continual communication with the overseers of public works, the masters of manufactories, with individual proprietors, and societies; in order that where there are a quantity of hands capable of work, they may be passed into that part of the country where they are most wanted; but whenever it may happen that, notwithstanding all inquiries and exertions, the necessary work cannot be obtained, in such cases materials and tools are to be distributed to those paupers who may be in want of them, to be used at their own houses; and if in larger towns the number of those paupers should be very great, houses are to be opened and maintained at the expense of the institutions for the poor, in which the paupers who are out of work are to be employed; but the number of paupers to be so employed is always limited to those who have not had a reasonable offer of work from any other quarter. But the great cause why the number of the poor is kept so low in this country, arises from the prevention by law of marriages in cases in which it cannot be proved that the parties have reasonable means of subsistence; and this regulation is in all places and at all times strictly adhered to.

The effect of a constant and firm observance of this rule has, it is true, a considerable influence in keeping down the population of Bavaria, which is at present low for the extent of country, but it has a most salutary effect in averting extreme poverty and consequent misery. (p. 554.)

The last of the countries subject to a system of compulsory relief, from which we have a return, is the ancient part of the

CANTON DE BERNE.

It appears from that return, that the inhabitants of that part of the Canton, which is subject to the laws which we are going to describe, consisted, in 1831, of 321,468 persons, divided into three classes, heimathloses, aubains, and bourgeois.

The first class, which appears to be so small as to be inconsiderable, consist of foreign refugees or their descendants. The second comprises all those who have not a right to bourgeoisie in any commune: their number amounted, in 1780, to 3482 persons. It is said to have subsequently increased, but it is not probable that it has more than doubled; and we believe that 10,000 persons, or less than 1-32nd part of the whole population, exceeds the whole number of those who are not entitled to bourgeoisie; but it is to be observed that the word “aubain,” though strictly meaning a person who has no settlement in the Canton, is also applied to persons who, though bourgeois, are not entitled to bourgeoisie in the commune in which they reside. The support of the heimathloses and of the aubains, properly so called, that is, of those who have no right whatever to bourgeoisie, falls on the government.

The third class is composed of the descendants of those who, in the sixteenth century, were held entitled to the public property of each commune, and those who by themselves or their ancestors have purchased bourgeoisie in any commune. Bourgeoisie appears to be personal and hereditary. It is not gained by residence, or lost by absence; and may therefore, in fact, belong to persons having little other connexion with the commune.

At a period, of which the precise date is not stated, but which appears to belong to the seventeenth century, it became the law that every one was entitled to support from the commune of which he was bourgeois, and that the sums necessary were to be supplied from the public property of the commune; and so far as that was insufficient, from landed property, to whomsoever belonging, situated in the commune, and from the personal property of the bourgeois whether resident or not.

To this hereditary bourgeoisie the raising and administration of the poor-fund was and still is confided; and apparently with most unfortunate results.

The following is the conclusion of the official answer of the government of Berne to the questions proposed by Mr. Morier (p. 207):—

What are the abuses complained of?

Do they arise from the principle of the law, or from the character and social position of its administrators?

What remedies have been applied?

What have been their results?

The abuses in the administration arise both from the principle of the law, and from the character and social position of its administrators: from the law, because it abandons all administration to the communes; from the administrators, because they neglect improvement, distribute relief without discrimination or real inquiry, and generally provide only against the exigences of the moment.

The separate parishes, being, for the most part, too small to establish schools and workhouses, want means of coercion, and are in general more busied in providing relief for those actually indigent than in diminishing their number, either as regards the present or future generations. Besides, although the practice is not sanctioned by law, many parishes, in order to prevent the return of their bourgeois who are domiciled elsewhere, forward to them relief without being able to ascertain their conduct.

The government has long felt that these abuses could not be remedied except by a law founded on a principle totally different from that of abandoning the administration to the parishes: but from a mistaken solicitude for the poor, it always hesitated to take this course.

What has been the influence of the system?

1. Statistically?

2. Morally?

1. Has the number of the indigent augmented, diminished, or remained stationary?

2. Does the law appear to have encouraged imprudent marriage or illicit intercourse?

The answers are implied in our previous statements. The existing system favours imprudent marriage and illicit intercourse,—but, precisely because it encourages marriage, probably does not augment the proportion of illegitimate to legitimate births. But the final result is, that it encourages, in an extraordinary degree, the increase of the indigent population. The abuses which have followed this fatal system are too numerous to be here detailed. It is easy to conceive what must have been its results on a populace whom education, or rather the want of education, has deprived of all honourable feeling, and of all preference of independence to public charity. Idleness, carelessness, improvident marriage, and illicit intercourse, have been encouraged by the prospect of making others support their results. All means and opportunities of acquiring knowledge, or skill, or regular occupation, have been neglected. Thence have arisen not only a constantly increasing burden upon society, but obstacles to the development of the physical and intellectual faculties, to moral improvement, and in short to the advancement of civilization. Experience has clearly proved, that the number of paupers increases in proportion to the resources created for them, and that the bourgeois population is least industrious and least active, and endeavours least to be useful to society in those parishes which have the largest public property and public revenue.

This state of things, and above all the constantly increasing burden in some parts of the country, and the demands urged by parishes on the State for protection against the claims and the insolence of the really and the pretended indigent, have determined the government to strive to remedy the evil at its source. We are still ignorant of the proposed principles of the new law. The plan, or at least the preparatory inquiry, is now going on in the offices of the Department of the Interior. It is nearly certain, however, that compulsory charity will be, if not entirely abolished, at least restricted to those poor who are incapable of work. But if assessment for the indigent is put an end to, the revenue of the properties appropriated to them will remain for their support.

The administration of the poor-laws in the Canton of Berne is therefore on the eve of a radical reform.

The same views are more fully developed in a long and very able supplement to these answers, which immediately follows them, and bears the same official character—(pp. 220-222, and 225.)

The administration of parochial property has not been properly audited by any parochial authorities: frequently and for many years it has remained in the hands of the same family; those to whom it has been intrusted have received little or no salary: a capricious and dishonest management were the obvious and almost the inevitable consequences. The mere nature of the transaction led to mal-administration. The poor who had a right to bourgeoisie had a right to relief. How could their conduct or their wants be ascertained, if they dwelt in other parishes, with whose authorities their own parish had no relation? Was it not almost inevitable that relief would be demanded with insolence and spent in idleness and debauchery?

In some places in the mountains (such as Sieventhal and Grindelwald), the relief was given in kind; but with the increased circulation of money, money-relief has become general, and is exclusively afforded to out-parishioners. The facility with which such relief is mis-applied has favoured mis-management, and may be said to engender pauperism.

These fatal results have become more strongly felt as the number of the poor has augmented. In many places the growing embarrassment occasioned great and praiseworthy remedial efforts. The administration was made more regular, and inspectors and other officers appointed. Some country parishes erected alms-houses at an expense apparently beyond their means. But many of these fine institutions disappointed the hopes of their founders: we shall presently see why. These new measures and institutions were each the private affair of each parish; they failed because they were isolated. The beneficial measures of one parish were not supported by its neighbours. They followed their old routine, and opposed improvement by obstacles and dislike. Superintendence, which is essential to the administration of poor laws, was ineffectual, because it was applied only to the parishioners of the single commune which enforced it.

During the last half century, other countries have acquired knowledge relative to alms-houses for the poor, and have adopted the results of the inquiries and experience of their neighbours. This has not been the case with our own establishments: their very origin was erroneous. They were the products of a philanthropy which proposed entirely to remedy all human misery. They were founded in villages, and proportioned each to the existing wants of the village. Their resources seldom permitted the adoption of the first condition of good administration, namely, classification. And even when we find a spacious building, we see heaped, pell-mell, children by the side of the old and infirm, and the sick mixed with able-bodied idlers. Even whole families are found in this assemblage of the good and bad, the sick and the healthy, the useful and the mischievous. In such establishments provision ought to have been made for the education of the children, the cure of the sick, the support of the aged, and the employment of the able-bodied. Each class of inmates required a separate treatment. The instant this principle is neglected, and classification abandoned, the institution not only loses its utility, but becomes actually mischievous. But each single establishment was governed by a single authority, unfit for the management of several dissimilar classes of inmates. In general, one uniform system was applied to them all. A further obstacle to the success of these establishments was the frequent change of their governors. As they were ill-paid and often subject to disagreeable contests with the local authorities, it was difficult to get good officers, and still more so to keep them. (p. 221.)

Unfavourable as our representation of these establishments has been, the picture of the treatment of the poor in the other parts of the canton is still more gloomy and painful. In these districts (superintendence being absent) all that is not left to accident is regulated by habit, or by a routine without apparent motives.

In such places no regular system is to be looked for. The most usual modes of affording relief are allowances in money, or payment of board. In some places, as in Emmenthal, the parochial charges are thrown on the large estates, and the proprietors are forced in turn, and gratuitously, to maintain the paupers who are allotted to them. In many other places it has long been the custom to send round the poor to be maintained in turn by the settled inhabitants (bourgeois), some of whom, though forced to receive paupers, are themselves in indigent, or even in distressed circumstances.

Not less sad or even revolting is the practice which prevails in some poor and ill-judging parishes of getting rid of their poor by allotting them to those who will take them on the lowest terms. The parochial authorities offer an allowance to those who will receive such and such paupers. The allowance at first proposed is very small; but it is ready money, and public competition enables the parish to make it still smaller. The poor victim falls into the hands of a rapacious and needy family. We may conceive how deplorable his situation must always be. That it is sometimes supportable can be attributed only to a benevolence not yet entirely stifled in the hearts of our people. Cases even have occurred in which the proprietors, by allowing their inmates to work for themselves, have given them habits of industry, and bred up their children to be good workmen. But these exceptions only render the general rule more apparent.

Relief in money produces effects equally pernicious. It is the result of the law which enables every family which is, or believes itself to be, in want, to demand a relief which cannot be refused. Small sums are given sometimes for payment of rent, sometimes to meet other wants, whether the applicant live in the parish or elsewhere—and without control or superintendence. What can, what must be the consequences? (p. 222.)

We cannot wonder, then, that the administration of the poor laws in the canton of Berne has become so irregular and so mischievous. The effects of the subdivision of the inhabitants into so many corporations have become more and more apparent. The principle of permanent and hereditary unions necessarily clashed with the principle of mobility and change which governs all our social relations. The welfare of the public necessarily gave way to that of the particular corporations, and the private interests of the corporations or parishes rendered them selfish and mutually hostile. Obstacles were opposed to every change of residence, and consequently the industry and enterprise of the labouring classes were paralyzed, and the parishes felt the results of their own measures when an unemployed and dispirited population was thrown upon them. It was to be expected that in time this population would look for support to the relief to which they had a legal right; it was natural that in time they would get a taste for an idle and consequently vicious existence. We could support our remarks by many instances of whole families which have subsisted like parasites from year to year, and from generation to generation, on the parochial funds; whose status it is to be paupers; and the cases in which they have emerged from this condition are few.

The government appears to have been struggling with these evils ever since the beginning of this century. The first ordonnance which has been forwarded to us is that of the 22d December, 1807.

The following are its most material enactments (pp. 191, 192):—

The parishes and parochial corporations (bourgeoisies) in the town and in the country are required, as heretofore, to afford protection and relief to their needy fellow-citizens.

No one can claim parochial relief unless he is without property, and either physically incapable of work, or out of employ without his own fault.

Parishes may continue their previous modes of regulating and fixing their accounts with respect to the poor.

They may likewise relieve their poor as they think fit, by regular money relief, by putting them out to board, by collecting them in a single establishment, or placing them in hospitals, or distributing among themselves the children of the indigent. But it is forbidden for the future that, except in cases of emergency, and with the sanction of the district authorities, they should be sent round from house to house to be maintained. Persons arrested for begging, and taken to their parish, shall be sentenced by the parochial authorities, after having given notice to the district judge. The punishment may be eight days’ imprisonment on bread and water, or fifteen days’ hard labour[8].

An equally rigorous treatment is to be applied to those who, being in the receipt of parochial relief, are disobedient, or give rise to well-founded complaint. They may be forbidden to enter inns, or drinking-shops, and punished in the above-mentioned manner if they disobey.

Parishes may require their overseers to watch the conduct of those who, from extravagance, drunkenness, debauchery, or other misbehaviour, are in danger of poverty, and to proceed legally to have them placed under restrictions. Such persons may be forbidden by the prefect, on the application of the parish, to frequent, for a certain period, inns and drinking-shops.

If a person who has received relief subsequently obtains any property, his parish may demand to be reimbursed their expenditure on his behalf, but without interest; and though they may not have exercised their right during his life, they may proceed against his estate after his death.

No pauper can marry without the consent of his parish, nor without having reimbursed it for the relief which he has received. The same law applies to widowers, who, while married, had received relief for themselves or their children. None who are relieved in consequence of sickness or infirmity should be allowed to marry, except in extreme cases.

No minister, unless with the permission of the parish, ought to announce from the pulpit the intended marriage of one whom he knows to be in the receipt of relief.

If children, in consequence of the idleness, debauchery, gambling, or voluntary desertion of their father, become chargeable to the parish, and it is alleged that the father if he had been industrious and frugal could have supported them, the overseers may bring an action against him for the amount of the relief which has been afforded to his children; and if he do not pay he may be suspended from the exercise of all civil rights and claims as a bourgeois, or be sentenced to not exceeding two years’ imprisonment in a house of correction. A second offence is to be more severely punished.

A mother wilfully abandoning her children shall be taken back to her parish and there kept to work. If she refuse, or attempt to escape, she may, on the requisition of her parish, and subject to an appeal to the Council of State, be sentenced to not exceeding three years’ imprisonment in a house of correction.

Women who have had several bastards chargeable to the parish may, on the requisition of their parishes, be similarly punished. No one receiving, or who has received, parochial assistance, either on his own account or on that of his children can, unless specially authorized so to do by his parish, be present at parochial meetings, until he has repaid all the sums advanced to him.

If any person entitled to parochial relief shall be refused, or insufficiently relieved, he may complain to the Prefect, who shall thereupon hear the allegations of the parish, and ascertain the condition of the complainant, with the assistance, if he has any doubt as to the existence or degree of his bodily infirmities, of a physician. The Prefect may then order such relief as may appear to him necessary, but no part of it is to be given in money.

It appears, however, to have been unsuccessful; for 12 years after, the government, after having in vain offered rewards for good advice on the subject (p. 225), by an ordonnance dated the 14th April, 1819, absolutely forbade the levying of rates higher than the average of those of the years 1813, 1814, and 1815. The failure of so coarse a remedy might have been predicted, and accordingly we find the present state of the country thus described in the official report (p. 214):—

It is evident that, with respect to pauperism, the present situation of the Canton de Berne is in the highest degree painful. The evil is not temporary or partial: it arises from no external or accidental sources: a considerable portion of the population is attacked by it, and it is spreading itself, like a moral blight, over the whole community.

Some districts, or some classes, may perhaps suffer less than others, but the malady continues its progress and its extension: if it decrease in one place, it grows in another. It is indeed evident that it contains within itself the elements of its own increase. Not merely the annual augmentation of the number of paupers, but their constantly increasing misconduct, their carelessness, and insolence, and above all, their utter immorality, prove the augmenting force of the evil; an evil which must destroy all benevolent feelings, and swallow up, without being satisfied, all that charity can supply. The contagious nature of the disease carries it beyond the indigent, to invade and destroy the classes immediately above them. Those whose daily labour ought to have supported them, and those small proprietors whose properties ought to have enabled them to maintain their families, satisfy their engagements, and contribute to the relief of the poor, even these classes throw themselves among the really indigent, and add weight to the load which oppresses those who cannot escape the poor tax.

[8] It is not easy to say what is meant by the original; whether labour in irons, “enchainement au bloc,” is a necessary part of the punishment or not.

Causes favourable to the working of the above institutions.

We have now given a very brief outline of the institutions of those portions of the Continent which appear, from the returns, to have adopted the English principle of acknowledging in every person a right to be supported by the public. It will be observed that in no country, except, perhaps, the Canton de Berne, has compulsory relief produced evils resembling, either in intensity or in extent, those which we have experienced; and that in the majority of the nations which have adopted it, the existing system appears to work well.

These opposite consequences from the adoption of the same principle, may be accounted for on several different grounds.

1. Villenage.

1. Among some of the nations in question villenage still exists. Now where slavery, in any of its forms, prevails, the right of the slave or villein to support is a necessary and a safe consequence. It is necessary, because a person who is not a free agent cannot provide for himself. It is safe, because one of the principal evils of pauperism, improvidence, can scarcely exist among slaves, and the power of the master enables him to prevent idleness and fraud. The poor laws of Russia, therefore, if they can be called poor laws, are merely parts of her system of slavery.

2. Recency of the system.

2. Among most of the other nations in question the compulsory system is in its infancy. Denmark has only lately got rid of slavery, and her poor laws date from 1798. Those of Sweden, in their present form, of Mecklenburg, Saxony, Wurtemberg and Bavaria, all bear the appearance of recency. In Wurtemberg assessments had been long obsolete, until they were re-introduced during the famine of 1817. The only country in which the compulsory system appears to have continued as long as it has in England, is that in which it has produced effects resembling those which have followed it with us, namely, the Canton de Berne.

3. Small number of persons wholly dependent on wages.

3. Another circumstance which renders compulsory relief less dangerous in the countries which we have been considering than in our own, is the economical situation of their labouring population. In England the great mass of the people are day-labourers, enjoying, where they have escaped the oppression of poor law abuses, high wages and steady employment, but possessed of little visible property, and seldom living under their masters’ roof. Such persons are not deterred from demanding relief by the fear of losing their property, since, where they have any, it is capable of concealment; and they need not always even fear degradation, since the fact of their receiving it may often be concealed. There are many instances in the Poor Law Evidence in which the masters, and even the companions of paupers, were not aware of their receiving allowance. But the class of persons without visible property, which constitutes the bulk of English society, forms the small minority of that of the north of Europe. The Norwegian return states, (698 and 699) that at the last census in 1825, out of a population of 1,051,318 persons, there were 59,464 freeholders. As by 59,464 freeholders must be meant 59,464 heads of families, or about 300,000 individuals, the freeholders must form more than a fourth of the whole population. Mr. Macgregor states (p. 300) that in Denmark (by which Zealand and the adjoining islands are probably meant), out of a population of 926,110, the number of landed proprietors and farmers is 415,110, or nearly one-half. In Sleswick Holstein, out of a population of 604,085, it is 196,017, or about one-third. The proportion of proprietors and farmers to the whole population is not given in Sweden; but the Stockholm return estimates the average quantity of land annexed to a labourer’s habitation at from one to five acres (p. 375); and though the Gottenburg return gives a lower estimate, it adds, that the peasants possess much of the land. (p. 387.) In Wurtemberg we are told that more than two-thirds of the labouring population are the proprietors of their own habitations, and that almost all own at least a garden of from three-quarters of an acre to an acre and a half. (p. 511.)

All the returns concur in stating the number of day-labourers to be very small.

The Norwegian report states, that “by law servants should never be hired for a shorter period than a twelvemonth. Employing labourers by the day, though often done in and about towns, is consequently illegal.” (p. 695.) Few day-labourers are to be met with. (p. 698.) The Gottenburgh, that “strictly speaking there are in Sweden few labourers on the same footing as in England.” (p. 387.) The Russian, that “the labourers are almost all slaves,” and that “the average quantity of land allowed by a proprietor to his slave is 15 acres.” (p. 334.) The Danish report, that “the day-labourers form in Zealand and the adjoining islands less than one-fifth, and in Sleswick Holstein less than one-third of the agricultural population.” (p. 300.) The Wurtemberg report states the labourers to amount to 41,913 (meaning of course heads of families, or about 210,000 individuals) out of a population of 1,518,147, being in fact less than 1-7th. (p. 514.) The Bavarian, that “in the country there are very few day-labourers, as almost every person has some ground of his own, and few are rich enough to hire labour.” (p. 556.)

It is probable therefore that the class of persons who in the north of Europe and Germany would be exposed to the temptation of applying for public relief if it were granted on the same terms as in England, would be a small minority instead of a large majority, and would be perhaps a seventh, fifth, or at most a third instead of three-fourths, or even a larger proportion of the whole community.

4. The situation of the pauper being made less eligible than that of the independent labourer.

4. But the conditions on which parochial assistance is afforded in the countries in question, form perhaps the principal difference between their systems and that which we have adopted. In England, where the scale and the allowance system prevail, no condition whatever can be said to be imposed on the pauper. What he receives is a mere gratuitous addition to his income. Even where work is required, the hours are in general fewer, and the labour less severe than those of the independent labourer. And the workhouse, the most powerful of our instruments of repression, affords, in general, food, lodging, clothing and warmth, better than can be found in the cottage, and may be quitted at a day’s notice.

But in all the countries which we have been considering, except the Canton de Berne and perhaps Denmark, the great object of pauper legislation, that of rendering the situation of the pauper less agreeable than that of the independent labourer, has been effectually attained.

On recurring to the statements which we have extracted, it will be seen that he loses all right to property; that he becomes incapable of contracting marriage while receiving relief, and in many countries, if he have once received relief, cannot marry until he has reimbursed the parish, or has procured security that his future family shall not become chargeable, or till three years have elapsed since he last received relief. If married, he loses control over his children, he cannot choose his residence or his occupation, and if he once becomes the inmate of a workhouse he incurs the risk of imprisonment for life. When such are the terms offered by the public, it is easy to understand that none but the really destitute will accept them.

5. Restraints imposed on the labouring classes.

5. The prevalence of habits productive of pauperism is repressed by subjecting the whole labouring population to superintendence and restrictions, which we should consider vexatious. As they are in a great measure interwoven with the laws for the relief of the unemployed, and have been in general already stated, it is not necessary to repeat them.

6. Prevention of improvident marriage.

6. In almost all the countries which have been mentioned, endeavours are made to prevent the existence of a redundant population, by throwing obstacles in the way of improvident marriage. Marriage on the part of persons in the actual receipt of relief, appears to be everywhere prohibited, and the marriage of those who are not likely to possess the means of independent support, is allowed by very few.

Thus we are told that in Norway no one can marry without “showing, to the satisfaction of the clergyman, that he is permanently settled in such a manner as to offer a fair prospect that he can maintain a family.” (p. 697.)

In Mecklenburg, that “marriages are delayed by conscription in the 22d year, and military service for six years; besides, the parties must have a dwelling, without which a clergyman is not permitted to marry them. The men marry at from 25 to 30, the women not much earlier, as both must first gain by service enough to establish themselves.” (p. 423.)

In Saxony, “that a man may not marry before he is 21 years old, if liable to serve in the army.” In Dresden, “professionists, (by which word artizans are probably meant,) may not marry until they become masters in their trade.” (p. 482.)

In Wurtemberg, “that no man is allowed to marry till his 25th year, on account of his military duties, unless permission be especially obtained or purchased: at that age he must also obtain permission, which is granted on proving that he and his wife would have together sufficient to maintain a family, or to establish themselves; in large towns, say from 800 to 1000 florins, (from 66l. 13s. 4d. to 84l. 3s. 4d.;) in smaller, from 400 to 500 florins; in villages, 200 florins, (16l. 13s. 4d.) They must not be persons of disorderly or dissolute lives, drunkards, or under suspicion of crime, and they must not have received any assistance from their parish within the last three years.” (p. 511.)

And we have seen that a similar law prevails and is strictly enforced in Bavaria.

7. Provision for the education of the labouring classes.

7. Another means by which the extension of pauperism is opposed in the countries which we have described, is the care taken by the government to provide for the education of the labouring classes. We are told (pp. 695 and 698) that in Norway their children have free access to the parish schools, and that the poor pay for the education of their children, and for religious teachers, nothing or nearly so. The general report from Russia states (p. 332) that every parish in every town has a school which is open to children of all classes, under the direction of the clergyman; and this is borne out by the consular return from Archangel. (p. 337.) The Gottenburg report states (p. 385) that in Sweden gratuitous education is provided for children of the indigent, and that it is asserted that there is not one person out of 1000 who cannot at least read. The Danish reports state (pp. 264, 293) that the children of all poor persons are educated gratuitously: that the parish is taxed for the payment of the schoolmaster, the repairs of the schoolhouse, books, papers, pens, ink, &c.; and that parents are bound under a penalty to send their children regularly to school until they have passed the age of 14, and been confirmed. Gratuitous education is also afforded in Mecklenburg (p. 491) and in Prussia. Mr. Gibsone states, as the general law of the country, that “all children capable of going to school are obliged to attend it. Those whose parents are unable to pay the expense, must be sent thither at the cost of the community to which they belong” (p. 460); “the expense of school-money and religious instruction is about 1s. 6d. yearly for each child.” (p. 466.) In the detailed regulation for the relief of the poor in Berlin, (p. 455,) it is laid down that “the period of children being sent to school regularly commences at the beginning of the child’s seventh year, and terminates when the child, according to the testimony of the minister, has acquired the knowledge necessary for his station in life, which generally occurs on his attaining his 14th year. If parents allow their children to grow up without instruction, the commissioners for the relief of the poor are to remonstrate with them, and should this be of no avail, the commissary of police is to interfere.” In Saxony, “the local poor commission supports free schools.” (p. 480.)

The care which has been bestowed on this subject in Wurtemberg is remarkable. The government report, after stating the recent introduction and success of infant schools, adds that—

For older children, from the age of 6 to 14, there has long existed in Wurtemberg in every, even the smallest community, supported chiefly at the expense of the local church estate and community fund, and of the parents, with the co-operation, however, of the public treasury, a German or elementary school, which all children of that age, both boys and girls, must attend, and in which, with the exception of short holidays during the time of haymaking, harvest and vintage, they receive throughout the year every day, with the exception of Sundays and holidays, in winter for five and in summer for at least two hours, instruction in religion, morality, singing, the German language, reading, writing, arithmetic, and the elements of natural philosophy, natural history, geography and history. In summer, in consideration of the work in the fields, the instruction is given as much as possible in the morning; and at the season when the labours of the field are the most urgent, and in cases of great poverty, an exception is made in favour of those children, where it is required, who, on application, are excused two or three times a week from coming to school. With this exception, every illegal neglect of school is punished by a fine of two or three kreutzers, and if the neglect of attending is continued, from four to six kreutzers; and no child, even if it has completed the 14th year, is suffered to leave the elementary school till it has acquired sufficient knowledge of what is taught there. (p. 528.)

As, however, many poor children endeavour notwithstanding to avoid attending the elementary schools, and in all cases the instruction in these elementary schools occupies only the smaller portion of the day, so that those poor children who are not properly attended and employed by their parents have still plenty of time for idleness and beggary; attempts have latterly been made in some places to put such children under special superintendence, as, for instance, by appointing a guardian for each poor child in the person of an overseer or other public officer of the community, or of a neighbour, who has to observe it every where, at home, at work, at play; or by periodical general summons to the several parents; or by periodical visitations in the houses of poor families, especially of those who are suspected of not paying proper attention to the education of their children; or by the periodical exhibition of the work done at home; or by the public performance of some work as a specimen; or by gratuitously providing the poor children with tools and materials; by the distribution of rewards among the most diligent and skilful of the children; and by exhorting, summoning, and punishing negligent parents; by these means to acquire the certainty that such children are kept to the constant attendance of the church and school, and to doing their tasks; that they are sufficiently employed in a suitable manner; that they are not ill-treated, either by being overworked or by unmerited corporal chastisement; that they are not neglected with respect to clothing and cleanliness; and that they are not abandoned to idleness, beggary and other vices, &c. (p. 529.)

Partly to retain, by practice, what they have learnt in the elementary schools, and partly to promote the further improvement of the grown-up youth, a Sunday School is kept in every community in Wurtemberg, in the common school-room, where every youth and girl above 14 years of age, in the Protestant places to their 18th, and in Catholic places to their 21st year, must go every Sunday, or where there is only one school-room the youths and girls every Sunday alternately, and attend the lessons for at least an hour and a half, on pain of paying four kreutzers, and if the neglect is of long continuance, six kreutzers, for every time that they remain away. It may be added, that, according to the existing laws, more care has lately been taken that young persons of this age, unless they are wanted to assist their parents in their domestic and field-work, particularly those who are educated at the public expense, and the poor girls and youths discharged from the penal establishments, do not remain at home with their families, or, out of love to a more unrestrained way of life, endeavour to gain a livelihood as Eigenbrödler[9], as they are called, merely by sewing, knitting, &c., but that they try either to engage as servants or learn a trade. (p. 534.)

The Bavarian poor law enacts, that all the children of the poor shall, without favour and without regard to the usual pretexts, be kept to the practice of the public school and religious instructions, as also of frequenting the work and industry schools, and of learning a trade. The school money is to be paid from the poor institutions. (p. 559.)

Among all the Continental communities which recognize in the poor the right to relief, the only one which does not appear to provide the means of education, and to enforce their being made use of, is that in which pauperism has become absolutely intolerable, namely, the Canton de Berne; and even there any aubain (or person not entitled to bourgeoisie in the parish in which he resides) may be summarily ejected (unless possessed of landed property in it), if it can be proved that he does not either send his children to school or provide otherwise for their education. (p. 199.)

8. Central superintendence.

8. Lastly, in most of the countries which have been considered, the local administration of the laws for the relief of the poor is controlled by a central superintending authority.

The only countries, the reports from which state that this is not the case, are Sweden, Denmark, and Berne; and we have seen both that these are the three countries in which the poor laws are the worst administered, and that in all of them the mal-administration which the reporters deplore is mainly attributed by them to the absence of a central control.

[9] “Eigenbrödler” means one who endeavours to earn a livelihood independently.

We now proceed to give a short outline of the institutions for the relief of the poor in those countries which do not appear, from the reports in this Appendix, to acknowledge a legal right in the applicant.

HANSEATIC TOWNS.

Hamburgh.

1. Hamburgh.—The situation of Hamburgh, a large commercial town, with a small territory and few manufactures, exposes it to a considerable influx of foreign poor; and the number of charitable establishments appears to have fostered and still to encourage pauperism to an extent exceeding the average of the north of Europe. It appears from the Consul-general’s return, that besides many endowed schools, hospitals, and almshouses, the city possesses a general institution for the poor, supported by the interest of its own capital and by some voluntary contributions, and considerable advances from the treasury of the State. A report has been furnished of the proceedings of that institution during the year 1832.

It appears by that report (pp. 397, 398) that in 1832, 141,858 current dollars, or about 25,000l. sterling, was distributed in money, by way of weekly relief among registered or regular poor, amounting at an average to 2,900 individuals, or heads of families; the smallest weekly relief being 8 schillings or 7d. sterling; the largest for an individual, 2 dollars or 7s. sterling; and for family, 3 dollars or 10s. 6d. Half of the adult paupers appear to have been foreigners. Besides the amount of money relief, considerable sums were expended in the distribution of soup, clothing, beds and bed clothing, and fuel, and in the education and maintenance of poor children, and in medical relief to the sick. Both the Consul’s report and that of the institution, lament the absence of a workhouse. “Of those who are capable, but will not work,” says the latter, “a great number to be sure will be found: the only help against this would perhaps be an institution, under a strict superintendence of the police, for compelling them to work; the want of which, from the undeniably increasing degeneration of our lowest class of people, is sensibly felt from year to year.” (p. 402.) This statement is borne out by the progressive increase of the registered paupers, from 2,332 in May 1826 to 2,969 in May 1832, and by the large amount of the regular out-door relief in money, amounting, on a population of 130,000, to very nearly 4s. a head. Further evidence of the extent of pauperism is afforded by the number of persons buried in 1832 at the expense of the institution, which was 459, or nearly one-tenth of the average number of deaths.

No means exist of forcing parents to educate their children; a defect deplored by the institution. (p. 403.)

Bremen.

2. Bremen.—The poor institutions of Bremen seem to resemble those of Hamburgh; but the general enforcement of education, the use of a workhouse, and perhaps other circumstances not mentioned in the report, appear to have rendered their results more beneficial. The following answers to questions 3, 4, 5, 7, and 8 of the Commissioners’ questions, give a short outline of the existing system:—

3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c., and in which they are set to work?—There exists but one poor-house in Bremen, in which the destitute able-bodied are received, to the number of 220, lodged, fed, and clothed, for which they are bound to work, for the benefit of the institution, as far as they are able.

4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?—Independently of three houses for the lodging and partly providing for poor widows, free of expense, there are other buildings set apart for the reception of poor superannuated or helpless women; but chiefly a number of private institutions for the relief of poor deserving persons by testamentary bequests. Such are the Rheden, the Tiedemann, the Nonnen, the Von Bühren, &c., so called.

5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do not procure work for themselves?—This is done, but in a very limited degree, at the public expense, as those who have trades come under the care and superintendence of their respective guilds, whose duty and credit it is to prevent any of their fraternity coming upon the parish, and who can easily afford the means of providing them with work. Females, on application to the poor-house, may receive hemp and flax for spinning, and are remunerated accordingly.

7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?—Those who are registered in the poor-house list, and thus come under the superintendence and control of the parish officers, receive, as long as they may require assistance,—1. A small monthly allowance in money. 2. Clothing for themselves and their families. 3. If necessary, bedding. 4. In the winter, during severe frost, fuel.

8. To what extent and under what regulations are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed, and educated or apprenticed?—Means are not only afforded to the poor for sending their children to school and for giving them religious instruction, but they are here compelled to do so, on pain of forfeiting all claim to parochial relief, or by other modes of punishment. That every child in the State, of whatever descent, shalt be subjected to school discipline and tuition, is founded upon the principle, that no means so effectually obviates that general poverty, among the lower classes in particular, as an attention to the development of their minds, by which they acquire that self-confidence that stimulates exertion, and that proper spirit of independence that keeps them above want, whilst by religious instruction they are impressed with a sense of the duties and advantages of good moral conduct through life. It has ever been the prevailing opinion in this Republic, that the principal duty of the State towards bettering the condition of its poorer classes, rests upon a due regard to this school discipline, and that it tends in its practice to prevent the frequent recurrence of application for relief in the same family; the descendants of which, without such control, would habitually and irrecoverably become, in their turn, dependents upon public charity. When such children have arrived at the age of 14 or 15 years, after having been taught reading, writing, arithmetic, and any other acquirement consistent with their situation, books, and other materials being furnished them by the poor-house, gratis; they are, after confirmation, generally put out to service, and thus prevented from returning to the idle habits of their parents. Girls are, in like manner, often provided for. They are taught reading, writing, knitting, and needle-work. (pp. 410, 411.)

Lubeck.

3. Lubeck.—If the statistical returns respecting Lubeck, which however do not appear to rest on enumeration, can be depended on, the proportion of deaths, births, and marriages to the whole population is less than in any other part of Europe. The deaths being stated to be 1 in 56; the births 1 in 53½; and the marriages 1 in 177. And, what is perhaps the strongest indication of the general welfare of a community, the deaths under the age of one year are stated to be only 1 in 7. The following answers to questions 3, 4, 5, 7, and 8, may be compared with the corresponding answers from Bremen:

3. To what extent and under what regulations are there district houses of industry for receiving the destitute able-bodied, or any part of their families, and supplying them with food, clothes, &c., and in which they are set to work?—No other institution of this kind exists here but the work and poor-house, called the Cloister, into which, however, none are admitted but persons totally incapable of contributing to their own support, whether from drunkenness or other incapacitating causes.

4. To what extent and under what regulations do any religious institutions give assistance to the destitute, by receiving them as inmates, or by giving them alms?—We have none such, but a collection is made in all our churches every Sunday for the poor; this, however, being a regular matter-of-course thing, yields comparatively small sums, which are privately distributed to poor persons by the churchwardens and deacons.

5. To what extent and under what regulations is work provided at their own dwellings for those who have trades, but do procure work for themselves?—or for such persons in agriculture or on public works? Every able-bodied man is supposed capable of providing for himself, and no such work or relief is afforded him. In winter, many poor women are supplied with a little work by the overseers of the workhouse, who give them flax to spin. The average annual quantity thus spun is about 6000 to 6500 pounds, the pay for which, amounting to about 130l. annually, relieves about 300 poor women. The linen yarn thus spun is disposed of by lottery among the wealthier classes. No work is supplied at the public expense or by public institutions to able-bodied men, merely because they are destitute; they must seek and find it themselves, and are of course accepted and employed on public works, as far as there is a demand for them. Having no relief to expect elsewhere, they are of course spurred on to exertion, and if sober and of good character, it may be generally assumed that they find work, at least sufficient for their bare existence, since, if a man can earn but a few pence daily, it will suffice to support him in this country.

7. To what extent and under what regulations are fuel, clothing, or money, distributed to such persons or their families; at all times of the year, or during any particular seasons?—As above stated, no relief of this kind is afforded to able-bodied men; their families, if considered destitute, may perhaps obtain the relief afforded by the poor-board to the poor generally, by means of portions of cheap food daily during the five winter months, and four times a week during the other part of the year. About 230,000 such portions are distributed annually, and bread to the value of about 60l. Fuel is distributed during the severer part of the winter, but money is rarely given, and only in extreme cases, never exceeding one mark, or about 14d. sterling a week, to the same party. Clothing forms no part of the relief afforded. In Lubeck these various kinds of relief are partaken of by about 850 persons annually.

8. To what extent, and under what regulations, are they relieved by their children being taken into schools, and fed, clothed, and educated, or apprenticed?—Not only are all the children of the poor admitted into the poor-schools for instruction gratis, but when relief is afforded by the poor-board, it is on the positive condition that they shall send their children to such schools. Neither food, clothing, nor any further provision is afforded them, in these schools, excepting in a very few extreme cases, in which the maintenance of very young children is undertaken by the poor-board. The number of children in our poor-schools averages about 300. (p. 415, 416.)

The allowance in our poor and workhouse for every individual, is—

Daily:— | 1½ | lb. | of coarse rye bread.

2½

—

vegetables or porridge, such as potatoes, yellow peas, green peas, dried white beans, carrots, peeled barley, cabbage, &c., according to the season, and sometimes rice.

| 1 | bottle | of weak beer.
Monthly:— | 1½ | lb. | of meat, and
| ½ | lb. | of butter, lard, or fat, to cook the food with. (p. 420.)

Marriages among the poor are delayed by the necessity a man is under, first, of previously proving that he is in a regular employ, work, or profession, that will enable him to maintain a wife; and secondly, of becoming a burgher, and equipping himself in the uniform of the burgher guard, which, together, may cost him nearly 4l. (p. 419.)

The condition of the labouring classes living on their own earnings is considered by themselves to be far superior to that of the paupers maintained in our poor-house. The partial assistance afforded by the poor-board is chiefly directed towards aiding those who are not devoid of honest pride, and have some feelings of independence left, who consequently earn their own maintenance as far as they can, and are thus assisted in their endeavours to support themselves, and keep out of the workhouse. The aid they receive is proportioned to their age and families, and is mostly granted to females; it is gratefully received, and no idea exists of ever thinking it a right. As a rule, no persons fully able to work can receive assistance; they are therefore forced to seek out employment, and may be generally presumed to succeed. If they get but a moderate portion of work, very trifling earnings place them in a situation much more eligible than that of the pauper maintained in the poor-house. (p. 418.)

FRANKFORT ON THE MAIN.

The institutions for the relief of the poor in Frankfort do not appear to require much notice.

The most striking circumstance mentioned in the report is, that the orphans and deserted children brought up in the public establishments are so carefully and successfully educated, that on an average they turn out better than those merely kept to school and living at home. (p. 567.) Permission to marry is not granted to a person who cannot prove his ability to support a family.

HOLLAND.

As the Canton de Berne appears to be the portion of continental Europe in which the burthen of legal relief is most oppressive, Holland appears to be that in which pauperism, unaided by a legal claim, is the most rapidly advancing. The Appendix contains an official communication from the Dutch government, and answers from His Majesty’s Consul in Amsterdam, to the Commissioners’ questions.

The clearest general view of the mode in which relief is administered, is contained in the following extract from the Consul’s report: (p. 581.)

General view of the Dutch system.

The main support of the poor is derived from religious communities and charitable institutions. Every denomination of Christians, as well as the Jews, relieve their own members; and for this purpose have, for the most part, orphan and poor-houses, and schools connected with them, which are supported by property belonging to them, and by voluntary contributions at the church-doors, and collections at the houses of the members: the Jews being permitted occasionally to make a general collection throughout the city for their own purposes. These establishments, among the Protestants (the most numerous community), are called Deaconries; and they provide not only for the support of their indigent members, but also for their relief in sickness. The deacons, who have the immediate superintendence of the poor, limit the assistance given according to the exigency of the case, which they investigate very narrowly; and by becoming particularly acquainted with the situation of the applicants, are enabled to detect any imposition. The pecuniary relief afforded is very small, and can only be considered as in aid of the exertions of the poor to earn their own support, being limited to a few pence in the week; a weekly donation of 2 florins (or 40d.) being looked upon as one of the largest. In winter, provisions, fuel, and clothing, are given in preference to money. The aged and infirm are admitted into the poor-houses, where, and at the schools, the children are educated, and afterwards put out to different trades, till they are able to provide for themselves. The deacons act gratuitously; and being of the most respectable class of citizens, elected by the churches to that office, the conscientious discharge of it is ensured, and in consequence, malversations seldom take place. The general poor (being inhabitants), including persons who are and are not members of religious communities (Jews excepted), are relieved at their own houses from the revenue of property, long since appropriated to that use, administered by commissioners appointed by the magistrates, and acting without emolument (as is the case with most similar offices in this country), and in aid of which public charitable collections at private houses are permitted, while any eventful deficiency is supplied from the funds of the city; but the relief afforded by these means is very small, and is confined chiefly to bread, with the addition of fuel in winter. Without other resources, therefore, or the assistance of private charity, the claimants could hardly subsist upon what they obtain in this way. By a decree passed in the year 1818, it was enacted, that the domicile of a male pauper is the place of his birth, superseded by the place where he has resided four years and paid taxes; and that of a child, the residence of his father, or of his mother, if a widow. That the domicile of a stranger is the place where he has resided six years; of married women and widows, the place of their husband’s residence; of legitimate minors, that of their fathers’, and of illegitimate, that of their mothers’. This decree, fixing the domicile of paupers for the purpose of obtaining relief, and a subsequent one, by which gratuitous legal advice is allowed them, if they apply for it, implies that they have a claim to support, which can be enforced at law; but as the funds from which this support must be obtained are uncertain, the amount of the relief that can be given depends upon their extent, and it is in fact left at the discretion of the overseers, who have the faculty of withholding it on the proof of bad conduct of the recipients, or when their children do not properly attend the school, or have been neglected to be vaccinated. Those not members of churches are, moreover, admonished to join some religious community, and must promise to do so the first opportunity. The decree above alluded to also regulates the proceedings of one town against another, and of religious and charitable institutions at the same place, in respect to paupers. There are at Amsterdam, besides, a variety of private establishments for the poor of different religious denominations, endowed by charitable persons, in which the poor are relieved in different ways, according to prescribed regulations. In general, the funds of all the public charitable institutions have greatly diminished, while the number of claimants has much increased, which causes frequent and urgent appeals to the public benevolence. In the country, the same system prevails, and the deacons or office-bearers of the churches are often called upon during the winter to assist in the support of indigent labourers with families, till the return of spring enables them to find work; but there are few permanent poor there, except the old and infirm, who are generally boarded in poor-houses in the adjoining town. (p. 582.)

It will be observed that the Consul considers the law which fixes the domicile of a pauper, and entitles him to legal advice, as implying in him a legal right to relief. We understand, however, that no such right is in practice acknowledged. And as a large proportion of the fund for the relief of the poor arises from endowments, the law may fix the legal settlement of every person, that is, his right to participate in the endowments of a particular parish, and allow him legal assistance in establishing it, without giving to him that indefinite claim which exists in those countries in which every person has a right to receive from the public subsistence for himself and his family.

The official report contains the following details respecting the funds from which public relief is afforded: (pp. 573, 574, 575.)

The principle which invariably has been acted on is, that the charge of relieving the poor should in the first place rest on the overseers of the poor of the religious sects in each parish; but when the means of the administration of the poor are not sufficient, they can indiscriminately (without reference to the sect to which such poor belong) apply to the local administration for relief, which, after due investigation, generally grants it, according to the means of the municipal administration, which is regulated by its direction.

Paupers, however, who are not members of any congregation, or any religious sect, in the place where they live and receive relief, or where no ecclesiastical charity for the poor exists, are supported by the municipal administration of the place where they live and obtain their support; for which purpose, in several cities and parishes, a separate administration for the poor is established responsible to the municipal administration; whereas in the remaining cities and parishes such relief is granted either by the burgomaster, or by an overseer of the poor nominated by him.

The hospitals, which in many cities exist, are for the greater part government establishments, which are administered on account of the local magistracy, by a number of directors appointed thereto, in which hospitals all inmates, without any distinction as to religion, are taken in; some of these hospitals are however separate foundations, which exist wholly, or in part, on their own revenues.

Amongst the orphan houses and charities for children and old people, there are several establishments which exist wholly or in part on their own revenues; whereas the remainder are generally the property of particular church administrations of the poor, which in great cities is almost generally the case in orphan houses, or charities for children.

Foundlings and abandoned children, at the charge of the place in which they are abandoned, are provided for in the establishment for children of the society for charitable purposes; by which institution the beggars are also provided for in the establishments appropriated for that purpose, and acknowledged by the government, at the charge of the place where they have a claim for relief.

There exist three local workhouses, one at Amsterdam, one at Middleburgh, and one in the commonalty Nieuwe Pekel A., in the province of Groningen, in which paupers, generally those who apply of their own accord, are taken in, upon condition that they contribute to their support as much as possible by labour: further, there are in several places twenty-one charitable houses of industry, which procure work for paupers who are in immediate want of work, either in the houses of industry, or at their own dwellings.

Besides the before-mentioned institutions, there are also various places, unions, and societies, the intentions of which are to grant relief in some way or other; namely, some for the relief of very indigent poor; others for granting relief to poor lying-in-women; and the commissions or societies which during the winter distribute provisions and fuel.

For the twelve years from 1820 to 1831, the receipts of the administration for the established charity houses, and those of the hospitals, taken on an average for each year, amount together;

| Guilders.
1. The revenues of properties and acknowledged rights | 2,461,883 | 26
2. Proceeds of collections | 1,320,551 | 48
3. Subsidies granted by | |
a. The parishes | 1,779,719 | 67 | |
b. The provinces of the State | 38,642 | 78 | |
| | 1,818,362 | 45
Making | Guilders | 5,600,797 | 19
By which all the disbursements of these institutions are covered. | |
And if to the above-mentioned sum are added, for the same period of twelve years, the following, viz.: | |
1. For the local workhouses and charitable houses of industry: | |
a. Revenues of properties | 7,458 | 50
b. Collections | 7,971 | 63
c. Subsidies of the parishes | 99,083 | 87
2. For the new erected beggars’ workhouses: | |
a. Daily wages paid by the parish for the beggars placed therein | 41,090 | 40
b. Provincial subsidies | 871 | 49
3. For the society for charitable purposes: | |
a. Contributions and voluntary donations by individuals | 48,893 | 55
b. Monies for stipulated contracts | 208,651 | 69
Consequently, the whole sum is | Guilders | 6,014,818 | 32

It appears from this statement that rather more than 6,000,000 guilders (equal, at 20d. the guilder, to 500,000l. sterling) has, on an average of the last 12 years, been annually expended on the relief of the poor, being an expense per head, on an average population of 2,292,350, of about 4s. 4¼d.—an expenditure small compared with our own, but very large when compared with the average expenditure of Europe.

The official report does not state the progressive increase of the annual expenditure; but it contains a table of the progressive increase of the number of persons receiving relief, from which we extract the particulars of the 10 years ending with 1831. (p. 580.)

HOLLAND.—Statement of the Number of Persons who have received Relief, or to whom Work has been given, by the Civil or Ecclesiastical Charitable Institutions in North Netherland, during 10 years, from 1822 to 1831 inclusive.

| Population of North Netherland on the 31st Dec. | Institutions for Relief. | INSTITUTIONS FOR GIVING OR PROCURING WORK. | General Total Persons who have received Relief, or to whom Work has been given. | Statement for the Population of North Netherland of 100 Persons.
Number of Persons relieved by the direction of the Poor-House. | Population of the Hospitals. | Number of Persons. | Number of Persons who have worked in and for the local Workhouses and Charitable Workplaces. | Population of Paupers’ Workhouses. | Population of the Colonies, and Establishments of the Society for Charitable Purposes. | Number of Persons. | Of the Total Number of Persons relieved or maintained by the Institution for granting Support. | Of the Total of Persons by the Institution for providing Work. | Of the general Total of Persons who have participated in the Relief, or to whom Work has been given.
Fed and lodged in the Institutions. | Those only who have worked in the same, or at their own Houses. | Together. | At Hoorn. | At Veere. | Together, or in the whole. | Poor Families making the number of Persons. | Orphans, Foundlings, or abandoned Children. | Beggars. | Persons, Veterans’ families, making together. | Together, or in the whole.
1822 | 2,190,171 | 174,802 | 20,501 | 195,303 | id. | id. | 3,227 | 750 | .. | 750 | 1,979 | 456 | 300 | .. | 2,735 | 6,712 | 202,015 | 8,914 | 0,306 | 9,220
1823 | 2,219,982 | 193,633 | 17,430 | 211,063 | id. | id. | 4,358 | 750 | 273[10] | 1,023 | 2,295 | 475 | 1,053 | .. | 3,823 | 9,202 | 220,265 | 9,507 | 0,415 | 9,922
1824 | 2,253,794 | 196,786 | 19,955 | 216,741 | id. | id. | 4,271 | 700 | 200 | 900 | 2,614 | 1,214 | 1,061 | .. | 4,889 | 10,060 | 226,801 | 9,617 | 0,446 | 10,063
1825 | 2,281,789 | 240,400 | 17,943 | 222,343 | 862 | 2,982 | 3,844 | 323 | 136 | 459[11] | 3,227 | 2,174 | 1,377 | .. | 6,778 | 11,081 | 233,424 | 9,744 | 0,486 | 10,230
1826 | 2,296,169 | 227,501 | 18,731 | 246,232 | 920 | 3,199 | 4,119 | 380 | 82[12] | 462 | 2,724 | 2,233 | 1,581 | 231 | 6,769 | 11,350 | 257,582 | 10,724 | 0,494 | 11,218
1827 | 2,307,661 | 232,426 | 19,775 | 252,201 | 670 | 4,001 | 4,671 | 378[13] | .. | 378 | 2,560 | 2,059 | 1,763 | 401 | 6,783 | 11,832 | 264,033 | 10,929 | 0,513 | 11,442
1828 | 2,329,934 | 217,343 | 17,928 | 235,271 | 607 | 4,017 | 4,624 | .. | .. | .. | 2,510 | 2,358 | 1,826 | 562 | 7,256 | 11,880 | 247,151 | 10,098 | 0,510 | 10,608
1829 | 2,427,206 | 235,771 | 17,884 | 253,655 | 672 | 4,077 | 4,749 | .. | .. | .. | 2,626 | 2,340 | 1,942 | 543 | 7,451 | 12,200 | 265,855 | 10,450 | 0,503 | 10,953
1830 | 2,444,550 | 244,503 | 17,870 | 262,373 | 733 | 4,263 | 4,996 | .. | .. | .. | 2,619 | 2,288 | 2,111 | 473 | 7,491 | 12,487 | 274,860 | 10,733 | 0,511 | 11,244
1831 | 2,454,176 | 248,380 | 17,887 | 266,267 | 973 | 4,637 | 5,610 | .. | .. | .. | 2,694 | 2,297 | 2,406 | 456 | 7,853 | 13,463 | 279,730 | 10,849 | 0,549 | 11,398

OBSERVATIONS.

General Observations.—Although the persons who have only worked in or for the charitable work-places, and are not lodged or fed in them, are probably already included amongst the number of those who have been relieved by the direction of the Poor-house; it was, however, thought proper not to exclude them from this Table, because the expenses of procuring work belong likewise to these persons.

[10] This being the first year in which the establishment at Veere was opened.

[11] This decrease is occasioned by the removal of able paupers to the Ommerschans.

[12] This establishment was done away with on the 20th June, and the able paupers were removed to the Ommerschans, and the invalid paupers to Hoorn.

[13] This establishment was done away with on the 15th October, all the paupers in it were removed to the Ommerschans.

It appears from this table that the number of persons relieved has steadily increased from 202,015, the number in 1822, to 279,730, the number in 1831; and that the proportion of paupers to independent members of society has also increased from 9²³⁰⁄₁₀₀₀ per cent., the proportion in 1822, or rather more than one-eleventh, to 11⁸⁹⁸⁄₁₀₀₀ per cent., or rather more than one-ninth, the proportion in 1831: a proportion exceeding even that of England.

And it is to be observed that the greater part of this great positive and relative increase of pauperism has taken place during a period of profound peace, internal and external; only one of these years being subsequent to the Belgian revolution. It is probable that if the years 1832 and 1833 had been given, the comparison with the earlier period would have been still more unfavourable.

We have omitted in the statement of the expenditure for the relief of the poor a sum of 200,000 guilders, or about 16,666l. sterling, annually employed on the gratuitous instruction of poor children: the number thus instructed in 1831 was 73,609. It does not appear, however, that any persons are compelled to attend to the education of their children, except by its being made (as is the general rule on the Continent of Europe) one of the conditions on which relief is granted: and the Consul states that the labourers in general think it beneath them to let their children go to school for nothing; and that some, when unable to pay, prefer keeping them at home.

It is remarkable that neither the official nor the consular report dwells on that portion of the Dutch poor institutions which has excited the greatest attention in Europe, namely, the Poor Colonies.

Poor Colonies.

The following statements are extracted from the narrative of Count Arrivabene, who visited them in 1829: (pp. 610, 611, 612, 613, 614.)

The dearths of 1816 and 1817, and the consequent distress, occasioned the establishment, in the northern provinces of the Low Countries, of a Philanthropic Society (Société de bienfaisance), to whose funds each subscriber was to pay one halfpenny a week. The subscribers soon amounted to 20,000. One of its projects was the foundation of poor colonies among the heaths, with which this country abounds. The Colonies were to be divided into Colonies for the Repression of Mendicity, Colonies for Indigent Persons and Veterans, Free Colonies, Colonies for Inspectors of Agricultural Works, Colonies for Orphans and Foundlings, and Colonies for Agricultural Instruction.

In the first year of its formation the Society established the Free Colony, called Frederiks-Oord, on the heaths between the provinces of Drenthe, Friesland, and Over-Yssel. It consisted of 52 small farms, part of which had been previously cultivated by the Society, of a store-house, of several workshops, a school, &c. It was peopled with families, indigent, but not dependent altogether on alms. The expense of its foundation amounted to 68,000 flor. (5666l. 13s. 4d.), and was defrayed out of the annual subscriptions and donations of the members of the Société de bienfaisance; and in order to give employment to the colonists during the dead season of the year, the Society engaged to purchase from them 26,000 ells of linen.

In 1819, the Society proposed to the directors of the Orphan Institutions throughout the kingdom, to take charge, at a fixed annual payment, of any number of orphans of the age of six years, leaving to those institutions the right of superintending their treatment. To meet this expense, the society borrowed 280,000 flor. (23,333l. 6s. 10d.). The orphans were for a time placed in separate dwellings, six orphans with two elderly persons, to act as their parents, in each. But afterwards almost all were collected into large buildings. In the same year the members of the society had increased to 22,500, and their subscriptions to 82,500 flor. or 6875l., and the society was enabled to establish two other free colonies, and to place in them 150 families.

In 1820, the society borrowed 100,000 flor. more, or 8333l. 6s. 8d., which, with donations to the amount of 78,000 flor. or 6500l., enabled it during that year to settle 150 more families.

In 1821, the society by means of loans and subscriptions had collected a sum of 421,000 flor. or 35,083l. 6s. 8d., of which 300,000 flor., or 25,000l. was borrowed, and 121,000 flor., or 10,983l. 6s. 8d. subscribed, and was possessed of seven free colonies, consisting of 500 small farms, with the public buildings to which we have alluded.

In 1822 the society founded the first colony for the repression of mendicity; and engaged with the Government to receive and settle on its colonies 4000 orphans, 2500 indigent persons, and 1500 mendicants, the Government engaging to pay for each orphan 45 florins, or 3l. 15s. a year, for 16 years, but nothing for the others. As yet the society has fulfilled only a part of its engagements. It has, however, established every kind of colony which we have enumerated.

Frederiks-Oord.

In August, 1829, we visited all the colonies of the society. Those of Frederiks-Oord are spread over a space of two leagues. The small farms, containing each about 9 English acres, extend along the sides of roads, bordered with trees, and of canals, which intersect the colonies in different directions. Each house is composed of one great room, round the walls of which are placed the large drawer-like beds, in which, according to the custom of the Dutch peasantry, the family sleep. A cow-house, a barn, and every building necessary for an agricultural family, is annexed to the farm. Near the house is the garden; beyond it the land to be cultivated.

Upon his admission into the colony, each colonist makes a declaration, by which he binds himself to obey its rules, as respects subordination to its officers, moral and religious conduct on the part of himself and his family, modes of working, wearing the colonial uniform, &c.

When a family of 8 persons (the number usually adopted by the society) has been settled in a farm, the society opens an account with them, in which they are debited in the sum of 1700 florins, or 141l. 13s. 4d., which is considered as having been advanced for their use under the following heads:—

| flor. | | £ | s. | d.
Purchase-money of 9 acres of land | 100 | or | 8 | 6 | 8
Labour previously expended on it | 400 | ” | 83 | 6 | 8
Two cows and some sheep | 150 | ” | 12 | 10 | 0
The house | 500 | ” | 41 | 13 | 4
Incidental expenses | 50 | ” | 4 | 3 | 4
Furniture and clothing | 250 | ” | 20 | 6 | 8
Reserved fund for extraordinary occasions | 250 | ” | 20 | 16 | 8
| 1700 | | 141 | 13 | 4

The sum advanced for furniture and clothing is stopped out of the wages of the colonist; and as soon as the farm has been completely brought under cultivation, the head of the family is annually debited 60 florins, or 5l., as the interest of the remainder of the capital, and the rent of the farm.

During three years at the least, the colonists cultivate the land in common, and receive wages, but are allowed to make use of no part of the produce of the farm; though that of the garden and the cows is their own. The farm produce (and it appeared to us to be very trifling), consisting principally of rye, potatoes, and buck-wheat, is taken to the storehouses of the society to be preserved for subsequent distribution, either as prepared food or otherwise, among the colonists, in payment or on account of their wages.

As long as a family cannot provide its own subsistence, it receives food daily from the society; but when it can provide for itself (as it can when it earns 4 flor., or 6s. 8d. a week), it is allowed to prepare its food at home.

The society distributes medals of copper, of silver, and of gold. The first are the rewards of those who distinguish themselves by regular labour and good conduct, and confer the right to leave the colony on Sundays and holydays without asking permission. The second are bestowed on those whose industry supplies their whole subsistence; they confer the right to leave the colony without permission, not only on Sundays and holydays, but on every day of the week, at the hours not devoted to labour. The golden medals are distributed to those who have already obtained silver ones, when their farms produce the annual value of 250 flor. (20l. 16s. 8d.), and upon obtaining them the colonist is no longer subjected to the strict colonial regimen, though some restrictions still distinguish him from an ordinary farmer. The medals which have been obtained by good conduct may be lost or suspended, with their privileges, by misbehaviour. They are solemnly distributed, and withdrawn every fifteen days.

After a residence of three years in the colony, the colonists are distributed into three classes:—1st, That of industrious men who have received the silver medal: they may continue to cultivate their farms in common, as before, or, after having discharged their original debt to the society, may manage them on their own account, at a rent payable to the society. 2nd. That of colonists who have received the copper medal: they may manage their own farms, and dispose of a part of the produce; the other part must be sent to the magazines of the society, to be applied in payment of the rent of the farm, in discharge of the original advances, and in creating a common fund. A portion of it, however, is returned to them in bread. But if in any year a colonist does not raise a given quantity of potatoes, or if he requires from the society extraordinary assistance, he is forced to restore his medal, and to return to the third class. 3. This last class, which is composed of those who have obtained no medal, must, in addition to what is required from the others, render to the magazines of the society a greater amount of produce, and have therefore less for their own use.

A certain extent of ground is cultivated in common by the colonists, each head of a family being required to work on it three days in the year, at wages paid in a colonial paper money. The produce of this common land is employed in supplying the deficiencies of the harvests of the separate farms, and meeting the expenses of the school, the hospital, and the general Administration. The colonists are also allowed in summer to pasture their cattle in the common pastures of the colony. There are several shops for the sale, at prices fixed by the Administration, of whatever the colonists are likely to want, except spirituous liquors, the use of which is prohibited.

Whatever may have been the length of time during which the colonist has resided in the colony he can never become the proprietor of his farm. He may, however, acquire the ownership of his furniture, and sell it or remove it when he quits the colony.

No colonist is allowed to marry unless he be a widower, or the son of a widower, and in possession of a farm. When his children have attained 16 or 18 years of age, they choose a trade (etat) with the consent of their parents and the colonial authorities, and may follow it either in the colony or elsewhere.

To every 25 farms there is a superintendent, who visits them daily, and directs and distributes among the colonists the labours of the day; and to every 100 farms a sub-director, who gives instructions to the superintendent, keeps the registers, and manages the manufactures.

In selecting the occupiers of each subdivision of 25 farms, care is taken that persons of different trades shall be included. The superintendence to which a family is subjected diminishes day by day with its good conduct, and ceases almost entirely as soon as the colonist has repaid the value of the advances which have been made to him. Those who are idle or disorderly are taken before a council of superintendence, of which some colonists are members, and may be sent on to a council of discipline, which has the power to transfer them to Ommerschans, a colony for the repression of mendicity; of which we shall speak hereafter. They are detained there for a fixed period, in a place set apart for them, and kept to more than usually hard labour. The industrious and well-disposed colonists are appointed superintendents of the works in the colonies for the repression of mendicity, and in those for the reception of orphans and indigent persons.

Most of the inhabitants of Frederiks-Oord are Protestants; there are, however, several Catholic and two Jewish families.

Wateren.

In the morning of the 3d day we went to Wateren, which is two leagues from Frederiks-Oord. Wateren is the colony of Agricultural Instruction, to which are sent the orphans who most distinguish themselves in their colonies. They amount to 60, and acquire agricultural knowledge from a master, and from the practice of working at a farm of 42 bonniers (nearly 103 acres) in arable, nursery grounds, and pasture. They are instructed by the same master in the Bible, the history of Holland, land surveying, natural-history, botany, mathematics, chemistry, and gymnastics. They are better dressed than the others, and wear a hat with a riband, on which is written the name of the privileged colony to which they belong. Their destination is to become superintendents in the free colonies. The society derives from this colony an annual profit of about 900 flor. or 75l.

Veenhuisen.

On the same day, after a journey of three leagues, we arrived at Veenhuisen, which contains one colony for the repression of mendicity, two for orphans, one for indigent persons and veterans, and one for inspectors of agricultural works. They are intersected by high ways, bordered by trees and by canals communicating with Amsterdam. Two great square buildings, at the distance of a half mile from each other, contain, in the part which looks into the interior quadrangle, the one mendicants, the other orphans, and each contains, in the rooms on the exterior, indigent persons and veterans. Another similar edifice, at two miles distance, contains all these three classes of individuals. In the midst of the three edifices are situated two churches, one Catholic, the other Protestant; twenty-four houses forming a colony of inspectors of agricultural works, and an equal number of houses inhabited by the officers of the colonies.

The children and grown-up persons have been placed thus near one another for convenience, with respect both to their agricultural and manufacturing employments.

The interior of each of the three great edifices is divided into two sides, one for the males, the other for the females, separated by the kitchen. On the ground-floor are large rooms, containing each forty or fifty individuals. The upper floors are mere lofts, and used as store-rooms.

The persons placed in the colonies for the repression of mendicity receive a new and uniform dress, and for some time are maintained without reference to the value of their work. Their out-doors employment consists of agricultural labor, brick-making, or turf-cutting: in-doors they work as artizans, generally by piece work. The society fixes the amount of their wages.

The lands of these colonies are divided into farms of thirty-two bonniers, or about eighty acres each, half arable, half pasture. To each of these farms are attached forty or fifty colonists, who work under the orders of a superintendent, who himself follows the instructions of a sub-director. The annual expenditure on each of these farms is fixed at 1680 flor., or 140l.

The accounts between the society and the colonists are kept in the military form. Each colonist carries a book, in which is entered the work which he has performed each day, the supplies and paper money which he has received, and his share of the general expenditure. If his earnings exceed what has been laid out on him, which is said to be commonly the case, a third of the excess is given to him in paper money, another third is placed in a savings’ bank, to be given him on his leaving the colony, and the remaining third is retained by the society to meet contingent expenses.

Horse-patrols round the colonies, rewards to such as bring back colonists who have attempted to escape, and a uniform dress are the means employed to prevent desertion. The colonists are detained for 6 years, unless they have previously saved 12½ flor. (1l. 10d.), which entitles them to immediate discharge.

Orphans are admitted in the orphan colonies at the age of six. They work, either in-doors or in the fields, for a part of the day, another part is employed in elementary instruction, drawing, and singing. They leave the colonies at the age of 18, generally for the sea or land service.

The colonies for indigent persons and veterans serve as preparatory residences for those who are to be placed in the free colonies. These colonists dwell with their families in the outer apartments of the great buildings, the interior quadrangles of which are inhabited by the mendicants and orphans. Like the mendicants, they are considered day labourers, and paid according to their work.

In every colony the supplies and wages vary according to the difference of age, strength, or sex. The men are divided into 5 classes, the women into 7. The first class of men is supposed to earn 1 flor. 70 cents, or 2s. 10d. per week; the second, 1 flor. 35 cents, or 2s. 3d.; the third, 1 flor. 6 cents, or 1s. 11d.; the fourth, composed of children from 8 to 16 years, 1 flor. 1 cent, or 1s. 8½d.; the fifth, composed of children under that age, 67½ cents, or 1s. 1½d. The first class of females is supposed to earn per week 1 flor. 51 cents, or 2s. 6¼d.; the second, 1 flor. 26 cents, or 2s. 1d.; the third, 98 cents, or 1s. 7½d.; the fourth and fifth, composed of children, 95 cents, or 1s. 7d., and 75 cents, or 1s. 3d. respectively; the sixth and seventh, composed also of children, but still younger, 63 cents, or 1s. 0½d., and 55 cents, or 11d., respectively.

Ommerschans.

On the morning of the fourth day we went to Ommerschans, which is seven leagues from Veenhuisen.

At Ommerschans there is a colony for the repression of mendicity, and one for indigent persons and veterans. The first is composed of men and children; and has a separate division for the free colonists who have been sent thither as a punishment. The building can contain 1000 persons, and resembles in several respects those in Veenhuisen, except that its moat, and the iron-bars to its windows give it more the appearance of a prison; and that it has a story above the ground floor. Nor does it differ as to its interior arrangement, or the employment or treatment of its inmates. In the middle of the quadrangle there are shops for locksmiths, joiners, and other trades; and for the manufacture of thread and linen. On the outside stands the church, which serves for both Catholic and Protestant worship, and as a school; the house of the sub-director, the hospital, and other public edifices; and 20 houses scattered about the lands, form a colony of inspectors of agricultural works. Nearly 150 persons are annually discharged from this colony for the repression of mendicity.

On recurring to the official statement of the total number of persons relieved during the ten years ending 1831, it will be seen that in 1831 the population of the poor colonies consisted of 7853, being an increase of 402 from the time of Count Arrivabene’s visit, arising solely from an increased number placed in the repressive or most severe of the penal colonies; and that this population was thus distributed: 2297 in the colony assigned to orphans and abandoned children; 456 in the preparatory colony; 2694 in the colonies called free; and 2406 in the repressive or mendicity colonies.

The nature of these institutions appears to have been imperfectly understood in England. They are in fact large agricultural workhouses; and superior to the previous workhouses only so far as they may be less expensive, or, without being oppressive, objects of greater aversion.

It is scarcely possible that they can be less expensive.

The employing persons taken indiscriminately from other occupations and trades, almost all of them the victims of idleness and misconduct, and little urged by the stimulus of individual interest in farming the worst land in the country, (land so worthless that the fee-simple of it is worth only 24s. an acre,) at an expense for outfit, exclusively of the value of the land, of more than 130l. per family, and under the management of a joint-stock company of more than 20,000 members, cannot but be a ruinous speculation.

Nor does the institution appear to have repressed pauperism by the disagreeableness of the terms on which it offers relief: we have seen, on the contrary, that it has not prevented its steady increase. It will be shown subsequently that a similar establishment has signally failed in Belgium, and we cannot anticipate a different result in Holland.

BELGIUM AND FRANCE.

M. Lebau, the Belgian Minister of Justice, has furnished a detailed report on the poor laws of Belgium, together with a considerable number of printed documents. Of the latter, we have printed only the regulations of the schools for the poor in Louvain, and of the out-door relief in Tournay; the laws of August, 1833, respecting the Dépôts de Mendicité; and some statistical papers respecting the relief afforded in different manners in 1833, and in some of the preceding years. The others were too voluminous for this publication; and though we have consulted them (particularly the Code Administratif des Etablissemens de Bienfaisance, M. Quetelet’s statistical works on the Netherlands and Belgium, and M. Ducpétiaux’s on Indigence,) with great advantage, we have been forced to omit them. Baron de Hochepied Larpent and Mr. Fauche, His Majesty’s Consuls in Antwerp and Ostend, have given valuable replies to the Commissioners’ questions; and Count Arrivabene a detailed account of the state of Gaesbeck, a village a few miles from Brussels. And we have inserted three reports as to the state of the Belgian poor colonies; one from Count Arrivabene, who visited them in 1829, and one from M. Ducpétiaux, and another from Captain Brandreth, both dated in 1832.

The union and subsequent separation of Belgium and France, and afterwards of Belgium and Holland, occasion the Belgian laws on this as on every other subject to be divisible into three heads:

First, those which she received when incorporated with France; secondly, those which were made during the union with Holland; and thirdly, those which have been passed since the revolution of 1830.

By far the largest portion of the Belgian poor laws is derived from the first of these sources.

French Poor Laws.

The government of the Directory, by three laws passed in the autumn of 1796, established the system under which the principal portion of the relief afforded by the public is now regulated in most of the countries which constituted the French empire.

Hospices and Bureaux de Bienfaisance.

By the first of these, that of the 16 Vendémiaire, An v. (7th October, 1796), the property belonging to the hospices (or almshouses) was restored to them, and their management was entrusted to a commission appointed by the municipal authorities.

By the second, that of the 23 Brumaire, An v. (13th November, 1706), it was enacted, that all the revenues of the different hospices in one commune should be employed as one fund for their common support.

And by the third, that of the 7 Frimaire, An v. (25th November, 1796), that in every commune there should be appointed one or more bureaux de bienfaisance, each bureau consisting of five members, to administer out-door relief; and that the funds at the disposition of the bureau de bienfaisance should consist of one-tenth of the receipts from all public exhibitions within its district, and of whatever voluntary contributions it could obtain. By the same law all able-bodied beggars were required, under pain of three months’ imprisonment, to return to their place of birth, or of domicile, if they had subsequently acquired a domicile.

By the law of the 3 Frimaire, An vii. (23d November, 1798), the additional sums necessary to provide for the hospices, and the secours à domicile (or out-door relief), of each commune, are directed to be raised by the local authorities in the same manner as the sums necessary for the other local expenses.

By that of the 4 Ventose, An ix. (23d February, 1801), all rents belonging to the State, of which the payment had been interrupted, and all national property usurped by individuals, were declared the property of the nearest hospitals. By that of the 5 Prairial, An xi., the commissaires des hospices and bureaux de bienfaisance were authorized to make public collections in churches, and to establish poor-boxes in public places; and by a train of subsequent legislation they were enabled to acquire property by testamentary dispositions.

It is to be observed that under these laws the members of the commissions des hospices, and of the bureaux de bienfaisance, are frequently, but not necessarily, the same persons. The maire (or principal civil officer) of each commune is a necessary member of every charitable board. The other members go out by lot, one every year, but are re-eligible.

By the law of the 16 Messidor, An vii., the inmates of the hospices were to be set to work, and two-thirds of the produce of their work was to belong to the hospice, the other third to be given to them either periodically or when they quitted the hospice. We mention this enactment, because it has afforded a precedent for many similar regulations.

And partly for the purpose of increasing the funds for charitable purposes, and partly with a view to reduce the rate of interest in the mode of borrowing usually adopted by the poor, by two arrêtés of the 16 Pluviose and 24 Messidor, An xii. (6th February and 13th July, 1804), all pawn-broking by individuals was prohibited, and public establishments for that purpose, under the name of Monts-de-Piété, were directed to be established and conducted for the benefit of the poor.

Foundlings and deserted children.

The French legislation respecting foundlings and deserted children is of a very different kind, and appears to us to be the portion of their poor laws deserving least approbation.

A law of the 27 Frimaire, An v. (17 Dec., 1796), enacted, that all recently-born deserted children should be received gratuitously in all the hospices of the Republic, at the expense of the State so far as those hospices had not a sufficient revenue specially destined to that purpose; and an arrêté of the Directory, of the 30 Ventose, An v., (20th March, 1791), founded on the previous law, directed that as soon as possible after children had been received in any hospice they should be sent out to be nursed, and brought up in the country until the age of 12; and then either left to those who had brought them up, if they chose to take charge of them, or apprenticed to farmers, artists, or manufacturers, or, if the children wished it, to the sea service.

The law on this subject received nearly its present form from an Imperial decree of the 19th Jan., 1811.

By that decree, the children for whom the public became responsible were divided into three classes: 1. Enfans trouvés; 2. Enfans abandonnés; 3. Orphelins pauvres. The first class comprises children of unknown parents, found exposed, or placed in foundling hospitals. The second, children whose parents are known, but have abandoned them, and cannot be forced to support them. The third, children without father or mother, or means of subsistence. For the first class a hospice was directed to be appointed in every arrondissement, with a tour (or revolving slide) for their reception, without the detection of the person bringing them. All the three classes of children were to be put out to nurse until six years old, and then placed with landholders (cultivateurs) or artizans until 12, subject to any mode in which the Ministre de la Marine might dispose of them. If not wanted by him, they were at 12 to be apprenticed for periods not exceeding their attaining the age of 25.

The annual sum of four millions (160,000l.) in the whole was to be contributed by the State towards these expenses. The remainder to be supplied by the hospices out of their own revenues or out of those of the communes.

Relatives claiming a foundling were to repay all that it had cost, as far as they had the means.

The last clause of this decree directs that those who make a custom of taking infants to hospitals shall be punished according to law. It is not easy to reconcile this clause with the rest of the decree. If taking an infant to a foundling hospital were an offence, it seems strange that the law should itself prescribe a contrivance (a tour), the object of which is to prevent the detection of the person committing the offence. In fact, however, no such punishment “according to law” seems to exist. If a nurse or other person entrusted with a child take it, in breach of duty, to a foundling hospital, the offence is punishable by the code pénal; but no punishment is denounced against a parent for doing so, however often the act may be repeated. Nor does the “making a custom of taking children to a hospital” appear as an offence in the detailed “Compte général de l’administration de la justice criminelle en France.”

Mendicity and Vagrancy.

The following is an outline of the French regulations, as far as they affected Belgium, for the repression of mendicity and vagrancy. A decree of the Convention, 27 Vendémiaire, An ii. (15th Oct., 1798), fixed the settlement, or domicile de secours, of every person, 1st, in the place of his birth; 2dly, of his residence for six months in any commune in which he should have married, or for one year in any in which he should have been registered as an inhabitant, or for two years in any in which he should have been hired by one or more masters. Every person found begging was to be sent to his place of domicile; if he could not prove any domicile he was to be imprisoned for a year in the maison de repression of the department, and at the end of his imprisonment, if his domicile were not then ascertained, to be transported to the colonies for not less than eight years. A person found again begging after having been removed to his domicile, was also to be imprisoned for a year: on a repetition of the offence the punishment was to be doubled. In the maison de repression he was to be set to work, and receive monthly one-sixth of the produce of his labour, and at the end of his imprisonment another sixth, the remaining two-thirds belonging to the establishment. On the third offence he also was to be transported. A transport was to work in the colonies for the benefit of the nation, at one-sixth of the average wages of the colony: one-half of that sixth to be paid to him weekly, and the other half on the expiration of his sentence. No person was to be transported except between the ages of 18 and 60. Those under 18 were to be detained until they arrived at that age, and then transported; those above 60, to be imprisoned for life.

The local authorities were authorized to employ their able-bodied poor on public works, at three-fourths of the average wages of the canton. Every person convicted of having given to a beggar any species of relief whatever was to forfeit the value of two days’ wages; to be doubled on the repetition of the offence.

The provisions of this law were, as might have been anticipated, far too severe for execution. After having remained, though inoperative, on the statute book for nearly 15 years, it was replaced by the Imperial decree of the 5th July, 1808.

By that decree a depôt de mendicité was directed to be established in each department, at the expense partly of the nation and partly of the department. Within 15 days after its establishment, the Prefect of the department was to give public notice of its being opened, and all persons without means of subsistence were bound to proceed to it, and all persons found begging were to be arrested and taken to it.

By a subsequent arrêté of the 27th October, 1808, it was ordered that all beggars should on their arrest be placed in the first instance in the maison d’arrêt of the district; and transferred from thence, if guilty of vagrancy, to the maison de detention, or prison; if not vagrants, to the depôt de mendicité. In the depôt they were to be clothed in the house dress, confined to regular and very early hours, the sexes separated, subject to severe punishments (rising to six months’ solitary imprisonment (cachot) on bread and water) for disobedience or other misconduct, or attempts to escape; deprived of all intercourse, except by open letters with their relations or friends, and kept to work at wages to be regulated by the Prefect, two-thirds of which were to belong to the establishment, and the remaining third was to be paid to them on their quitting the depôt.

The conditions on which a person might obtain his release from a depôt de mendicité are not stated.

The provisions of the code pénal appear to leave that question to the discretion of the Executive.

Section 274 of that code enacts that every person found begging in a place containing a public establishment for the prevention of mendicity, shall be imprisoned for from three to six months, and then removed to the depôt de mendicité. Under section 275, if there be no such establishment in the place where he is found begging, his imprisonment is to last only from one to three months; if, however, he has begged out of the canton in which he is domiciled, it is to last from six months to two years.

After having suffered his punishment, he is to remain (apparently in the depôt de mendicité) at the disposition of Government.

BELGIUM.

Monts-de-Piété.

Such was the state of the law respecting purely charitable, and what may be called penal, relief at the time of the establishment of the kingdom of the Netherlands. We have stated these provisions at some length, because they form, with little material alteration, the existing law on the subject in France. No change of any importance appears to have been made by the late Government of the Netherlands, or by the present Belgian Government, with respect to the hospices or the bureaux de bienfaisance; but with respect to foundlings, an arrêté of the 2nd June, 1825, declared that the expense of their maintenance ought to be supplied by the hospices, and so far as these were unable to meet it, from the local revenues of the commune or the province in which they had been abandoned—a provision which has been the subject of much complaint, as imposing a heavy and peculiar burthen on the few towns which possess foundling hospitals. And with respect to monts-de-piété, an arrêté of the 31st October, 1826, directed the local authorities of towns and communes to prepare regulations for the management of their respective monts-de-piété, their support, and the employment of the profits, subject to certain general rules; among which are,—

1. That the administration shall be gratuitous.

2. That the interest shall not exceed 5l. per cent. per annum, and that no farther charge shall be made on any pretext whatever.

3. That they shall be open every day.

4. That the pledges may be redeemed at any time before their actual sale.

5. That they shall not be sold until the expiration of 14 months from the time of the loan.

Mendicity.

The following are the most material alterations made in the laws respecting mendicity. By a law of the 28th November, 1818, the period of residence necessary for acquiring a settlement, or domicile de secours, was extended to four years: and by a law of the 12th October, 1819, the expense of supporting a person confined in a depôt de mendicité was thrown on the commune in which he had his domicile de secours.

In 1823 the Belgian Société de Bienfaisance was established, on the model of that which existed in Holland, and contracted with the Government to receive in its colonies de repression 1000 paupers, at the annual sum of 35 florins (2l. 18s. 4d.) per head. In consequence of this arrangement, all the regulations which required a beggar to be removed to a depôt de mendicité were varied by the introduction of the words “or to a mendicity colony;” and by an arrêté of the 12th October, 1825, the governors of the different provinces were directed to give notice that all persons in want of employment and subsistence would obtain them in the depôts de mendicité, or the mendicity colonies, and had only to apply to the local authorities in order to be directed to the one or the other; and that consequently no begging at any period of the year, or under any pretext whatever, could in future be tolerated. Persons arrested for begging were allowed on their own request, if their begging were not accompanied by aggravating circumstances, to be conducted to one or the other of these establishments without suffering the previous imprisonment inflicted by the penal code.

By another arrêté of the same date, the local authorities were directed to prepare new codes for the regulation of the different depôts de mendicité, based on principles of which the following are the most material:

1. That the depôts should be confined to the reception of those who, from age or infirmity, should be unfit for agricultural labour.

2. That all above the age of six, and under that of 70, and capable of working, should be kept to work, at average wages; that each person should be charged per day 17 cents (about 3½d.) for his maintenance, being its average cost, and retain the remainder of his earnings; and be allowed nothing beyond strict necessaries (mere bread is specified for food), if his earnings were under that sum.

That a portion of each person’s surplus earnings should be reserved and paid over to him on leaving the house, and the other portion paid to him from time to time in a local paper money.

3. That cantines should be established in the house, to enable the inmates to spend their surplus earnings.

4. That those who had voluntarily offered themselves for reception should be at liberty to quit the house, after having repaid the expenses of their maintenance there.

5. That those arrested and sent thither as beggars should not be set free until, 1st., they had repaid all expenses; and 2ndly, had fitted themselves to earn an independent livelihood, or been demanded by their commune or relatives, and security given for their future conduct.

6. That in each house there should be an ecclesiastic to perform divine service, and give moral and religious instruction, frequently in private, and twice a week in public; and that, where the inmates should consist of Protestants and Catholics, there should be both a Catholic and a Protestant ecclesiastic.

7. That in each house there should be a daily school for the young, and a school for the adult, open for four hours on Sundays, and for an hour two evenings of the week. The attendance on these schools to be compulsory.

8. That so far as the confined paupers did not earn their own subsistence, each commune should pay for the support of those having in it their domicile de secours, at the above-mentioned rate of 17 cents. (3½d.) per day, but be allowed a discount of 2 cents. per day (reducing the daily payment to 3d.) on prompt payment.

A decree of the 9th April, 1831, by the Regent, abolished that discount, the sum of 3d. a day having been found insufficient, except in the depôt of Bruges, in which the decree states that it covers every expense.

The existing Government has passed two very important laws, dated the 13th & 29th of August, 1833.

The first of these enacts, that until the laws on mendicity shall have been revised, the daily charge for the subsistence of each detenu in the depôt de mendicité, instead of being fixed at 17 cents., shall be determined annually by the Government. The commune bound to repay the expense is to be assisted, if incapable of meeting it, by the province, the King deciding if the matter is disputed. If payment is not made, a personal remedy is given against the receiver of the commune.

By the second, a conseil d’inspection des depôts de mendicité is to be elected in each province. Each conseil is to propose a scheme,—

1. For dividing the inmates of the depôts into three classes, comprising, 1st, the infirm; 2d, the able-bodied who have voluntarily entered them; 3d, those sentenced to them as beggars or vagrants.

2. For obviating the abuses which might follow from the power given to the indigent of voluntarily entering the depôts.

And as a general rule, a pauper who requests admission without any authority from his commune, may be received; but in that case his commune is to be immediately informed of what has occurred. If it offers to support him at home, he is to be sent back to it: if it refuses, he is to remain in the depôt at the expense of the commune: and the communes are to be informed that it depends on themselves to diminish the expense of supporting their poor in the depôts, by the judicious distribution of out-door relief, by the organization of committees for the purpose of watching over the indigent, and inquiring into the causes of their distress; by the erection of asylums for lunatics, the deaf and dumb, the blind and the incurable; and by the establishment of houses of employment (d’ateliers libres de travail) in winter, and infant schools. For all which purposes they are recommended to assess themselves. M. Lebeau says in his report, “Enfin chez, nous nul ne peut exiger de secours en vertu d’un droit.”[14] (p. 594.) But it must be admitted that these provisions, if not constituting a right in the pauper to relief, give at least a right to the managers of the depôts to force the parishes to relieve, either at home or in the depôt, any pauper who presents himself: and M. Lebeau himself felt the danger to which the parishes are exposed. In his circular of the 13th September, 1833, addressed to the provinces in which depôts are established, he urges the importance of adopting regulations respecting the reception and dismission of the poor voluntarily presenting themselves, which may preserve parishes from “the indefinite burden which would follow the too easy admission of applicants.” “These establishments,” he adds, “must not be considered by the poor as places of gratuitous entertainment, (des hôtelleries gratuites.) One of the best methods of preventing this will be the strict execution of the law which prescribes work to all those who are not physically incapable of it; and for those who are incapable, the ordinary hospices and hospitals are the proper receptacles. It is true that in some depôts work has been discontinued, because the results did not repay the expenditure; but this consideration ought not to prevail over the moral advantages which follow its exaction. Labour is the essential condition which must be imposed on the pauper; and if it require the sacrifice of some expenditure, that sacrifice must be made.”

In a subsequent circular, dated the 4th July, 1834, and addressed to the governors of the different provinces, M. Lebeau states, that one of the causes assigned for the prevalence of mendicity, is the facility with which persons obtain release from the depôts. “I invite you, M. le Gouverneur,” says the Minister, “when a pauper requests his release, to consider his previous history, to ascertain whether he has the means of subsistence, or the local authorities have engaged to provide for him; and to treat with great suspicion the solicitations of parishes, as they are always interested in obtaining the release of the paupers for whose maintenance they pay.”

With respect to the general working of these institutions we have not much information. It appears from the report of M. Lebeau that there are in Belgium six depôts de mendicité; one at Hoogstraeten for the province of Antwerp, at Cambre for Brabant, at Bruges for the two Flanders, at Mons for Hainault, at Namur for Namur and Luxembourg, and at Reckheim for Limbourg and Liege; that the hospices for the old and impotent, and the hospitals for the sick, are very numerous, and that nearly every commune possesses its bureau de bienfaisance for the distribution of out-door relief. In 1832 the annual income of the different bureaux de bienfaisance was estimated at 5,308,114 francs (equal to about 212,325l. sterling), and that of the hospices at 4,145,876 francs (equal to about 165,835l. sterling), altogether about 378,160l. But the report contains no data from which the whole expenditure in public relief, or the whole number of persons relieved, or the general progress or diminution of pauperism, can be collected.

An important paper, however, is contained in the supplement to M. Lebeau’s report, stating the number of foundlings, deserted children and orphans, in the nine provinces constituting the kingdom of Belgium, in the years 1832 and 1833; of which we subjoin a copy, having added to it the population of the different provinces, as given in the official statement of 1830.

YEAR 1832.

Population. | PROVINCES. | Average number of | TOTAL NUMBER. | TOTAL EXPENSES. | Subdivision of those Expenses among | OBSERVATIONS.

Foundlings.

Deserted
Children and
Orphans.

The Hospitals,
Charitable
Institutions
or Foundations.

Towns or Communes.

Provinces.

354,974 | Anvers | 886 | 566 | 1,452 | 71,300 | .. | 31,300 | 40,000 | a
556,146 | Brabant | 2,244 | 286 | 2,530 | 197,550 | .. | 147,050 | 50,500 | b
601,678 | Flandre Occidentale | 35 | 461 | 496 | 34,123 | 15,600 | 18,523 | .. | c
733,938 | Flandre Orientale | 688 | 219 | 907 | 64,479 | .. | .. | 64,479 | d
604,957 | Hainault | 1,870 | 333 | 2,203 | 172,792 | .. | 25,072 | 147,720 | e
369,937 | Liége | 41 | 153 | 194 | 15,550 | 9,665 | 4,694 | 1,191 | } f
337,703 | Limbourg | 11 | 123 | 134 | 12,056 | 10,658 | 1,398 | ..
292,151 | Luxembourg | 13 | 12 | 25 | 1,841 | 232 | 1,609 | ..
212,725 | Namur | 653 | 9 | 662 | 44,533 | .. | 25,533 | 19,000 | g
4,064,209 | TOTAL | 6,441 | 2,162 | 8,603 | 614,224 | 36,155 | 255,179 | 322,890 |

(a) There is a tour at Antwerp, and also at Mechlin.

(b) A tour in Brussels and one in Louvain.

(c) No tour.

(d) A tour at Ghent.

(e) A tour in Mons, and one in Tournay.

(f) No tour.

(g) A hospital, but no tour.

N.B. There are tours at Antwerp, Mechlin, Brussels, Louvain, Ghent, Mons, and Tournay; seven in all.

N.B. A tour is a horizontal wheel, with a box for the reception of the infant, which, when empty, is open to the street, and when full is turned into the interior of the house.

YEAR 1833.

PROVINCES. | Number of | Total. | Expenses of | TOTAL EXPENSES.
Foundlings. | Deserted Children. | Foundlings. | Deserted Children.
Anvers | 886 | 578 | 1,464 | 37,107 | 65 | 26,927 | 61 | 64,035 | 26
Brabant | 2,648 | 318 | 2,966 | 182,321 | 69 | 23,081 | 84 | 205,403 | 53
Fl. Occidentale | 39 | 460 | 499 | 3,258 | 67 | 31,841 | 89 | 35,100 | 56
Fl. Orientale | 752 | 242 | 994 | 49,874 | 81 | 14,902 | 67 | 64,717 | 48
Hainault | 1,969 | 382 | 2,351 | 123,368 | 71 | 23,533 | 18 | 146,901 | 89
Liége | 38 | 162 | 200 | 2,899 | 0 | 12,857 | 04 | 15,756 | 04
Limbourg | 14 | 157 | 171 | 913 | 96 | 11,054 | 44 | 12,968 | 40
Luxembourg | 7 | 31 | 38 | 880 | 94 | 3,212 | 80 | 4,093 | 74
Namur | 615 | 7 | 622 | 41,082 | 0 | 467 | 60 | 41,549 | 60
| 6,968 | 2,337 | 9,305 | 442,647 | 43 | 147,879 | 07 | 590,526 | 60

Foundlings.

It appears from this statement that in the provinces of Antwerp, Brabant, and Hainault, containing a population of 1,514,072 persons, and possessing each two public receptacles for foundlings, the number of foundlings in 1833 was 5,404, or 1 in 278: that in Flandre Orientale and Namur, containing a population of 946,663, and possessing each a single public receptacle, the number of foundlings was 1367, or 1 in 699; and that in Flandre Occidentale, Liége, Limbourg and Luxembourg, containing a population of 1,601,469, but having no such establishment, the number of foundlings was 98, or less than 1 in 16,000. Nor does this difference arise from an increased number of deserted children in those provinces in which foundling hospitals do not exist: on the contrary, the numbers in the second column, comprising both orphans and deserted children, in the four provinces in which no foundling hospitals exist, amount to 910, out of a population of 1,601,469, being 1 in 1649, whereas those in Antwerp, Brabant and Hainault amount to 1356, out of a population of 1,514,077, or 1 in 116; and when it is recollected that the proportion of orphans can scarcely differ in the different provinces, and that in the second column they are mixed with the deserted children, the superiority of the four former provinces over the three latter will be found to be really much greater than it appears.

Nor does the difference arise from the prevalence of infanticide.

It appears from the statistique des tribunaux de la Belgique, that in the years 1826, 1827, 1828, and 1829, there were in the provinces of Antwerp, Brabant, Flandre Orientale, Hainault, and Namur, containing 2,450,740 inhabitants, and possessing foundling establishments, 13 convictions for infanticide; and in Flandre Occidentale, Liege, Limbourg, and Luxembourg, containing 1,601,469 inhabitants, and no such establishments, only nine convictions, being a proportion slightly inferior. So far, therefore, from foundling hospitals having had a tendency to prevent desertion of children, or infanticide, it appears that their tendency is decidedly to promote the former, without preventing in any degree the latter. The real infanticides, strange as it may sound, are the founders and supporters of foundling hospitals. The average mortality in Europe of children during the first year does not exceed one in five, or 20 per cent. In England and Holland it is less: in Belgium it is 22⁴⁹⁄₁₀₀, per cent. But in the foundling hospitals of Belgium (and their mortality is below the average of such establishments), it is 45 per cent.[15]

In the foundling hospital in Brussels it is now 66 per cent., having been from 1812 to 1817, 79 per cent.

Nor is the fate of those who escape from these receptacles much preferable to that of those who perish there. M. Ducpétiaux, the inspector of prisons, states that, small as is their number relative to the rest of the population, they form a considerable proportion of the inmates of gaols and prisons, and a still larger proportion of the prostitutes.[16]

Such having been the legislation, and such being its results, an attempt towards its improvement was made by a law, dated the 30th July, 1834. That laws enacts, that from the 1st of January, 1835, the maintenance of foundlings and of deserted children whose place of settlement is not known, shall be supplied one half by the communes in which they shall have been exposed or deserted, with the assistance of their bureaux de bienfaisance, and the other half by the province of which those communes form a part, and that an annual grant shall be made by the State in aid of this expenditure; and that the expense of maintaining deserted children whose place of settlement is known, shall be supported by the hospices and bureaux de bienfaisance of their place of settlement, with the assistance of the commune.

The object of this law is stated in a circular from the Minister of Justice, dated the 23d January, 1834.

He directs, in the first place, the local authorities to provide for the subsistence of the foundlings with whom they may be charged, without reference to the proposed annual grant, since neither the amount of that grant, nor the mode of its distribution, is laid down by the law; and urges them to prevent the increase of their own burthens by endeavouring to prevent the abandonment of children born within their jurisdictions, and the exposure within their jurisdictions of children born elsewhere; and for that purpose to procure the punishment by law of those convicted of having exposed infants, or made a custom of taking them to hospitals. He admits, however, that the necessary investigations are matters of great delicacy; and he might have added that the punishment by law to which he refers does not exist, unless punishment by law means the arbitrary interference of the police, so much tolerated in continental Europe.

“These,” he adds, “are the wishes of the Government and of the Chambers; and this declaration will enable you to understand the motives of the silent repeal of the law, directing the establishment of tours for the reception of foundlings. The Legislature could not at the same time prescribe measures intended to diminish the exposure of children, and an institution by which it is favoured and facilitated. It did not venture to pronounce the suppression of the existing tours; but the silence of the law on this subject is the expression of its earnest desire that this institution should be discontinued; the mode of discontinuing it is left to the local authorities. The Government will require from you an annual report on these subjects, before it decides on the distribution of the annual grant; and the favour shown to each district may depend on its endeavours to comply with these instructions.”

This circular is a curious instance of an attempt to undermine an institution which the Government and the Legislature disapprove, but which they do not venture directly to grapple with. All that the Legislature ventures directly to do is to express its earnest desire (désir formel), by the silence of the law. The Government however goes further, and holds out hints, though it does not venture to hint very clearly, that the fewer the foundlings in any district, the larger will be the share of that district in the government grant. Under the influence of these double motives we may expect the tours soon to be closed.

We have also inserted (p. 607) a paper respecting the operation of the monts-de-piété, of which the following is the result:—

Average of Nine Years,
from 1822 to 1830
inclusive.

1831.

1832.

Pledges. | Amount. | Pledges. | Amount. | Pledges. | Amount.
| Francs. | | Francs. | | Francs.
1,271,122 | 3,778,286 | 1,185,834 | 3,268,104 | 1,129,373 | 3,939,219
| or | | or | | or
| £151,131 | | £130,124 | | £157,548

The number of pledges redeemed is stated only for 1832, in which year 1,124,115 pledges, on which 3,162,399 francs, or 126,495l. sterling, had been lent, were redeemed. It is to be observed that the pledges are for small sums, amounting, on an average, to about three francs, or less than half-a-crown per pledge; and that the amount of the redemption in 1832 nearly corresponds with the amount lent in 1831. On the whole, considering the low rate of interest exacted by the Belgian monts-de-piété, as compared with that taken by our pawnbrokers, the small aggregate amount of deposits, being about 150,000l. for four millions of people, is a strong indication of the generally provident habits of the labouring population.

As further illustrations of the general working of the Belgian system, we extract the following particulars from the reports from Antwerp and Ostend. (pp. 627, 628, 629, 630, 634, 636, 637, and 639.)

[14] “With us no one has a right to relief.”

[15] Quetelet, Recherches sur la Population, &c., p. 38.

[16] Des Modifications, &c. de la Loi sur les Enfans Trouvés, p. 13.

Antwerp.

Population, 11,328.

Vagrants.

Indigent travellers, foreigners, or denizens, who pass through Antwerp, are received there at an establishment called St. Julien’s Hospital, where they are lodged and boarded for three nights at the expense of the establishment, which provides their wants for the moment.

The foundation of this hospital, which yearly receives about 1000 individuals, dates from the beginning of the 14th century. It subsists by itself, under the direction of a private charitable administration, by means of some fixed revenues, and also by the liberal donations of philanthropic persons.

The same poor travellers, when Belgians, receive at Antwerp an indemnity of 15 centimes, or 1½d. sterling, per league per head for travelling expenses to the first town in the neighbourhood, where this relief is continued to them. These travelling expenses are at the charge of the town, and paid out of the municipal funds, in virtue of a Royal Act of the 10th May, 1815.

Destitute Able-bodied.

Necessitous individuals of the labouring and indigent class, who do not attempt to go a begging, and who, for want of work, are without means of providing for the necessaries of life, and also the members of their families, are provided for at their own dwellings, by the care of the bureau de bienfaisance, by the means or revenues of this establishment, and the subsidies which the town grants it yearly out of the municipal funds, in order to supply what may be necessary to continue its service. The amount of this grant varies annually, according to the real wants of the establishment, by reason of the circumstances that either augment or reduce its expenses.

The succours distributed by this establishment consist in money, bread, potatoes, fuel, and clothing, &c.

Besides, there exists at Antwerp, under the direction of the same bureau de bienfaisance, a workhouse, where carpets of cow-hair and other articles are made. This workhouse is established especially to procure work to the indigent and working class who are without employ. The population of this establishment varies according to the different seasons and other circumstances. It is most frequented during the winter, when the navigation is interrupted, and the stagnation of several branches of industry causes the number of indigent to augment. Those who come to work in this establishment remain there the whole day, and receive their meals, besides a salary in cash, proportioned to the work they are employed at.

If, through the effects of a hard winter, the wants of the labouring and indigent class are excessive, there are formed at Antwerp private societies for relief, which, by means of donations, collections, and voluntary subscriptions, efficaciously assist the unfortunate by distributions of money, food, fuel, &c.

The depôt of mendicity in the province of Antwerp is situated at Hoogstraeten, in an ancient manor bought for that purpose by the former department administration. It is a spacious establishment of agriculture, possessing a great number of acres of arable, pasture, and wood land, and a still greater number of heath (bruyère).

Those individuals who are destitute, and who desire to be admitted into this establishment, are received as free men; the vagrants are brought there by force. Both are employed there at sundry works of agriculture, of manufacture, or in the household establishment, according to their physical strength. The impotent and aged alone are kept without working in a separate place.

For several years the expense for the maintenance of individuals of the depôt at Hoogstraeten has not amounted to more than 32 centimes per individual, (or 3d. sterling.)

On the 1st January, 1834, the number of persons entertained at the provincial depôt, on account of the city of Antwerp, was 153. The population of this establishment generally amounts to 250 or 300 individuals, all belonging to the province.

The children of the working class or indigent are received, without any distinction, in the public schools established gratis. Those children abandoned to the public charity, or of whom the parents are entirely unable to bring them up, and who request to be relieved of them from inability to maintain them, are sent to an hospital established for that purpose, or else placed in the country under the direction of the civil hospital, or the bureau de bienfaisance.

Impotent through Age.

There are at Antwerp 26 private hospitals, founded and established for many centuries by charitable persons in favour of a stated number of aged persons, of both sexes, and of decent and respectable families; but in preference for the members of the founders’ family, and which persons, without being entirely destitute, have, notwithstanding, no sufficient means to provide for their subsistence. Those persons inhabit a small house in the hospital, where they keep their own household separately, and subsist by what they can earn personally by any hand-work, and by the weekly succour which they receive from the revenue of the foundation. These men and women reside in separate hospitals.

Destitute persons, of both sexes, who are impotent through age, but have not claims to be admitted into the before-mentioned private hospital, are maintained by the administrations of the poor, the sick, incurable, and impotents, in the civil hospital, and the others in the country, where they are boarded with the farmers at the expenses of the public establishment of charity; that is to say, of the administration of the civil hospitals and bureau de bienfaisance. Besides, there is at Antwerp a special establishment as a refuge to the impotent through age, of decent and respectable families, who are without means of procuring a livelihood.

Sick.

In Belgium every town has its civil hospital for the maintenance of destitute sick. That of Antwerp is open to all the unfortunate, without distinction, whenever their social position does not afford them the means of being attended by a physician at their dwellings, who are deemed proper objects for admission.

Are also admitted, in a private room in this hospital (upon payment of a small daily retribution), all individuals who, although not entirely destitute, prefer to be treated in the hospital rather than at their own houses; such as men and female servants, who are commonly sent there by the persons who have them in their employ.

Indigent persons, born at Antwerp, are treated at the hospital at the expense of the establishment. Those who are not of the town, but are of the country, are treated there at the expense of the commune where they have their domicile de secours.

These expenses are fixed at the rate of 62 cents., or 1 franc 31 centimes (1s. 0½d. sterling) per diem, whatever may be the sickness. The expenses, for the treatment of those who have no domicile de secours, are repaid by government out of the treasury funds. The town provides for the insufficiency of the private revenue of this establishment, in the same manner as it does for the bureau de bienfaisance, by means of “subsidies in aid,” paid out of the municipal funds. This amount of “subsidies” varies annually according to the wants of the administration of the hospital.

Persons of the indigent and necessitous class, whose sickness or complaint is not severe enough to require their entering the hospital, receive medical and surgical relief at their own homes. To that effect, there are several physicians and surgeons appointed and attached to the bureau de bienfaisance, who give their assistance to the sick who require it, every one in the district or section for which he is appointed. These physicians and surgeons, who receive a fixed salary from the administration of the poor, also receive at their domicile, at fixed hours of the day, indigent persons who want to consult them on the state of their health; and it is on a ticket delivered by them, that such sick persons are received at the hospital. The bureau de bienfaisance has a special pharmacy, situated in the centre of the town, where medicine is given gratis to the indigent, on a prescription signed by a physician of the poor establishment.

The indigent persons relieved by the bureau de bienfaisance receive only the strict necessaries of life to feed and support their families, and no more, so that they have nothing to satisfy their private wants or fancies, nor can they procure themselves any luxuries or other comforts; and they always lead a life, that, although protected against the most pressing wants, is notwithstanding a very miserable one. It is thus the interest of those individuals that are able to work (and this they perfectly comprehend) to seek to maintain themselves. It is only those persons who are totally depraved, and who give themselves entirely up to drunkenness and every other excess, who feel assured that, after having wasted and spent the little they possess, and abandoned the work that maintained them, there always remains to them the resource of the distributions made by the administration of the poor.

In Antwerp, the situation of a workman, whatever may be the class he belongs to, and who maintains himself solely by his work, is by all means preferable and better than that of a person who only subsists by relief or public charity. The existence of those who reside in the depôts of mendicity, excepting only the loss of their liberty, is even in many respects preferable to the situation of the latter, who are maintained by general charity.

Ostend.

Population, 11,328.

Destitute Able-bodied.

The only legal mode of lodging the destitute able-bodied is to send them to the depôt of mendicity, where they are treated as paupers. There existed formerly agricultural colonies on the same principles as those in Holland, to which the parishes could send their able-bodied, destitute, and their families; it was found in vain to attempt making cultivators or proprietors of them.

The destitute able-bodied, but quite indigent, of the two Flanders, and the vagrants who have been tried as such, compose altogether a population of about 300 persons (the destitute able-bodied of Ghent excepted.) For each of these 300 poor, his parish pays a contribution of 32 centimes (3d.) per day (men and women equally.) The depôt for both the Flanders established at Bruges, by the mildness of its administration, has gradually overcome the dread which it inspired at its origin. The directors have banished all rigour, not even enforcing work on the destitute; but as they are paid according to their industry, that inducement to work is found sufficient. This establishment is remarkably prosperous, having already saved fr. 80,000 (3200l.), all expenses paid. It is not found necessary to have any armed force in the neighbourhood to keep this large number of destitute in order, this being attained by gentleness and good usage. On any of the poor leaving the establishment, improved in their moral conduct, they receive a part of their own earnings, which enables them to seek some employment.

Besides this depôt, there is at Ghent a workhouse where employment is given to the destitute, but without their being maintained. The number of labourers in this establishment, which was erected by voluntary subscription, has been as many as 1900 in time of great distress.

Every church has its masters of the table of the poor, or distributors of assistance. Such funds proceed from collections made in the church, voluntary alms, and assignments from the “bureau de bienfaisance.” Weekly distributions of bread or fuel, sometimes money or clothing, are made; but this assistance is generally discontinued in the summer months, on account of the abundance of work during that season. In the towns the relief consists principally in money (about 32 centimes per man and per day, or 3d. sterling.) In the country the rule is not to give money, but assistance in kind.

Generally their children may be educated gratuitously; but they take little advantage of it, as they prefer employing them in gathering up firewood, &c.; and, generally, there is felt a want of coercive measures to force the parents to send their children to school, and to allow them to be put out as apprentices.

Impotent through Age.

There are almshouses throughout the kingdom, where the impotent through age are maintained and taken care of. These institutions are so far profitable to the parishes, as that it would cost them more money to assist these persons separately. Some have been endowed by deeds of gift, others are supported by the inhabitants of the towns. The number of them is increasing in the country, and most towns are well provided in that respect.

The assistance afforded to those relieved at home is in clothing, bread, fuel twice a week, and 75 centimes in money (7d.) every Sunday.

There exists between the self-supporting labourers and the persons subsisting exclusively on alms or public charity, a very numerous intermediate class, consisting of those who live partly on relief and partly on labour, so that the two extremities only of the scale can be compared. An able-bodied but not labouring man receives only about the half what the last of those who do labour and are not assisted would earn; the legal relief being 32 centimes (3d.), and the lowest day’s work more than 64 centimes (6d.) As to liberty, nobody is forced to work, not even at the depôt of mendicity; they are only not allowed to go out at will. Food is almost equally distributed, and many destitute poor prefer the depôt to free labour, when they are not sure of being employed every day; but in no other instance.

The grievances which result from this system arise from the neglect, the ignorance or the corruption of the local authorities, and although numerous, they are not very striking.

2dly. Grievances arise from the want of proper conditions with which lands or houses are bequeathed to the bureaux de bienfaisance. Wherever a revenue is bequeathed it is shared equally by the poor, even when they may be beyond need; for instance, a beggar will receive 1 fr. 50 c. (1s. 2d.) per day for her maintenance, which would not have cost more than the fifth part of that sum if paid by the depôt of mendicity. To obviate this abuse, and to increase the power of useful charity, the revenue of the bureau de bienfaisance of each parish should be added to the sum principal of the province when the revenue of the bureau exceeds the wants of its locality. 3dly. Grievances arise from the liberty of parents to neglect their children, and allowing them to beg alms for their own benefit. This last appears to be the root of the evil, and the great cause of the augmentation of pauperism in these towns.

Gaesbeck. (page 1.)

But the most interesting portion of the Belgian details is Count Arrivabene’s account of Gaesbeck, a small village about nine miles from Brussels, containing about 857 acres, inhabited by 364 persons, forming 60 families, or separate menages, constituted of 13 comparatively large farmers, occupying each from 30 to 150 acres, 18 small proprietors or small farmers, 21 day-labourers, and 8 artizans. The commune possesses a property producing an annual revenue of 556 francs, or nearly 23l. sterling, managed by its bureau de bienfaisance, of which the curé is the acting member. It expended in the year 1832, on the relief of the poor, (including the salary of the schoolmaster and clothing for the poor children who were to be confirmed,) 625 francs, or about 25l. 2s., being rather less than 1s. 4½d. per head. How the extra 2l. 2s. was obtained is not mentioned; but as the bureau is stated to have always nearly a year’s revenue in hand, it was probably taken from the receipts of a previous year. The heaviest item of expense is the support of one old man, at the annual expense of 72 francs, (rather less than 3l.) Ten other individuals, or heads of families, appear to have received nearly regular relief, amounting in general to about 6d. a week; and four others to have been assisted at times irregularly; the largest sum being 1l., given to L. Maonens, “pour malheur.” There has been only one illegitimate birth during the last five years. The average age of marriage is 27 for men, and 26 for women; the average number of births to a marriage, 3½. As these averages are taken for a period of 23 years, ending in 1832, during which the population has not increased, they may be relied on. Of the whole 60 families, only 11 are without land; all the others either possess some, or hire some from the proprietor. The quantity generally occupied by a day-labourer is a bonnier, or about 2½ acres, for which he pays a rent of from 60 to 80 francs. With this land the labourers keep in general a cow, a pig, and poultry. To be without land is considered the extreme of poverty. The number of labourers is precisely equal to the demand for their services. Daily wages are 6d., with some advantages equal to about 1d. more; and, as might be expected under a natural system, with no preference of the married to the unmarried. Labourers are generally hired by the year, and remain long in the same service. Crime is exceedingly rare: for the last 12 years no one has been committed to prison. Offences against the game laws are unknown. There are three houses of entertainment in the village, but they are not frequented by the labourers. “Are the labourers discontented; do they look on the farmers with envy?” asked the Count of his informant. “I do not believe,” was the answer, “that the labourers envy the farmers. I believe that the relation between the farmers and labourers is very friendly: that the labourers are perfectly contented in their situation, and feel regard and attachment for their employers.” (p. 14.)

What a contrast is exhibited by this picture of moral, contented, and (if the term is permissible) prosperous poverty, supported by the frugality and providence of the labourers themselves, and that of the population of a pauperized English village, better fed indeed, better paid, better clothed, and better lodged, and, above all, receiving 10, or perhaps 20 times the amount of parochial alms, but depraved by profligacy, soured by discontent, their numbers swelled by head-money and preference of the married to double the demand for their labour, their frugality and providence punished by the refusal of employment, and their industry ruined by the scale; looking with envy and dislike on their masters, and with hatred on the dispensers of relief!

And it is to be observed that the independence of the Belgian peasantry does not arise from any unwillingness to accept of relief. Out of the 60 families forming the population of the village, 19 appear to have received it in 1832; and a fact is related by Count Arrivabene, which shows that indiscriminate alms are as much coveted there as with us. In 1830 (the year of the revolution) many persons applied for charity at the gate of the castle of Gaesbeck, the residence of Marquis Arconati, and something was given to each. The next year the applications were renewed: the sum given to each applicant was fixed at 1d., and a single day in the week was fixed for its distribution. On the first of these days there were 50 applicants; the second, 60. The sum given was reduced to ½d. to a man, and a farthing to a child; but towards the end of the season the weekly assemblage had risen to 300 and 400 persons; they came from 10 and 12 miles distance, and it became necessary to abolish the allowance, trifling as the amount appears.

Poor Colonies.

The last portion of the Belgian institutions requiring notice are the poor colonies. We have already stated, that in 1823 the Belgian Société de Bienfaisance was established on the model and for the purposes of that already existing in Holland. In the beginning of that year the society purchased 522 bonniers (rather less than 1,300 statute acres), at Wortel, for the establishment of two colonies, called free, and divided them into 125 farms, of 3½ bonniers (about 9 statute acres) each; 70 in the colony No. 1, and 55 in the colony No. 2. In 1823 they purchased 516 bonniers (about 1,280 acres), at Mexplus and Ryckevoorsel, for the establishment of a mendicity colony. The first estate cost 623l., the second 554l., or less than 10s. an acre, from which the quality of the land may be inferred.

Families placed in the free colonies were provided each with a house, barn, and stable, a couple of cows, sometimes sheep, furniture, clothes, and other stock, of the estimated value, including the land, of 1,600 florins (133l. 6s. 8d. sterling), which was charged against them as a debt to the society. They were bound to work at wages fixed by the society, to wear the uniform, and conform to the rules of the colony, and not to quit its precincts without leave. A portion of their wages was retained to repay the original advance made by the society; a further portion to pay for the necessaries furnished to them from time to time, and the food for their cattle; and a portion paid to them in a base money of the colony, to be expended in shops established by the society within its limits.

At first each family of colonists worked on its own farm, and managed its own cattle, but it was found that the land was uncultivated, and the cattle died for want of attention or food; and in 1828 the society took back the cattle, and employed all the colonists indiscriminately in the general cultivation of the land of the colony. “From this time,” says M. Ducpétiaux (p. 624), “the situation of the colonist who is called free, but is in fact bound to the society by restrictions which take from him almost the whole of his liberty for the present, and deprive him of all hope of future enfranchisement, has resembled that of the serfs of the middle ages or of Russia. It is worse than that of the Irish cottiers, who, if they are fed like him on potatoes and coarse bread, have at least freedom of action and the power of changing their residence.”

Those colonists who had obtained a gold or silver medal, as a testimony that they could support themselves out of the produce of their own farms, were excepted from this arrangement, and allowed to retain the management of their farms, paying a rent to the society; but at the date of M. Ducpétiaux’s communication (10th December, 1832), the greater part even of them had been forced to renounce this advantage, and to fall back into the situation of ordinary colonists. Four families were all that then remained in this state of comparative emancipation.

The inhabitants of the mendicity colony were from the first subjected to the regulations ultimately imposed on the free colonists, with the additional restriction of being required to live in common on rations afforded by the society; the only respect in which, according to M. Ducpétiaux, they now differ from the free colonists.

Count Arrivabene visited these colonies in 1829, and then predicted their failure. The three years which elapsed between his visit and the report of M. Ducpétiaux were sufficient to prove the accuracy of this prophecy.

It appears from the statement of M. Ducpétiaux (p. 621), that on the 1st of July, 1832, the debts due from the society amounted to 776,021 florins (about 64,661l. sterling); the whole value of its property to 536,250 florins (about 44,698l. sterling); leaving a deficit of 239,771 florins, or nearly 20,000l. sterling. And this deficit was likely to increase every year; the expenses, as they had done from the beginning, greatly exceeding the receipts, a fact which is shown by the following table:—

| Free Colonists. | Beggars. | Expenditure. | Receipts.
1822 | 127 | .. | 38,899 | 50 | .. |
1823 | 406 | .. | 93,532 | 07 | .. |
1824 | 536 | .. | 106,102 | 72 | 12,339 | 31
1825 | 579 | 490[17] | 102,983 | 73 | 25,740 | 74
1826 | 563 | 846 | 163,933 | 45 | 56,476 | 88
1827 | 532 | 899 | 168,754 | 61 | 50,677 | 38
1828 | 550 | 774 | 144,645 | 28 | 54,994 | 62
1829 | 565 | 703 | 174,611 | 44 | 98,523 | 57
1830 | 546 | 598 | 127,358 | 72 | 67,718 | 72
1831 | 517 | 465 | 135,405 | 81[18] | 82,578 | 81[19]

[17] During the four last months.

[18] These sums do not include many of the expenses of administration. They consist simply of the sums remitted to the director for current expenses.

[19] These sums include not only every species of net profit, but in fact the value of the gross produce.

M. Ducpétiaux’s statement may be compared with that of Captain Brandreth, who visited the colonies at about the same period. (pp. 19, 20.)

Among the colonists there were a few whose previous habits and natural dispositions disposed them to avail themselves, to the best of their ability, of the benevolent provisions thus offered for their relief, and who had worked industriously, and conducted themselves well during their residence in the colony. Their land was cultivated to the extent of their means; and their dwelling-houses had assumed an appearance of greater comfort, order, and civilization than the rest. But these were too few in number, and the result too trifling to offer the stimulus of emulation to others.

Those farms that I examined, with the above exceptions, were not encouraging examples: there were few evidences of thrift and providence, the interior of the dwellings being, in point of comfort, little, if at all removed from the humblest cottage of the most straitened condition of labourers in this country.

A clause in the regulations allows certain of the colonists, whose good conduct and industry have obtained them the privilege, to barter with the neighbouring towns for any article they may want.

The nearest towns to the establishment, of any note, are Hoogstraten and Tournhout; but on inquiry I could not find that any intercourse was maintained with them; and the country round offered no evidences of the existence of a thriving community in its centre, exercising an influence on its traffic or occupations. In the winter I should think the roads to the colonies scarcely practicable for any description of carriages.

From what I saw of the social condition of the colonists, I am disposed to insist much on the inexpediency of assembling, in an isolated position especially, a large community of paupers for this experiment.

Admitting the physical difficulties to have been much less than they are, and the prospect of pecuniary advantage much greater and more certain, the moral objections to the system would outweigh them. Without the example of the better conditions of society, there can be no hope of such a community gradually acquiring those qualities that would fit the members of it for a better condition. One or two families established in the neighbourhood of an orderly and industrious community would find the stimulus of shame, as well as emulation, acting on their moral qualities and exertions; but in the present case, where all are in a condition of equal debasement, both of those powerful stimuli are wanting. The reports of the progress of the Dutch free colonies up to the year 1828 are certainly encouraging; and as the same system has been adopted in the free colonies of Belgium as in Holland, and the experiment in both cases tried on similar soils, they might lead to the inference that some peculiar cause has operated in favour of the Dutch colonies, and against those of Belgium. Not having had an opportunity of visiting the Dutch colonies, I cannot offer an opinion on the subject; but reasoning from what I personally witnessed, I should be disposed to think, that either some greater encouragement has been granted in Holland, or some improvement of the system adopted; or that the habits, dispositions, and character of the Dutch fit them better for this experiment.

The same authorities that I have quoted in the case of these colonies, speak favourably also of the Belgian colonies up to the same period; and on the part of the latter experiment it may be asserted, that the unsettled state of the country since that period ought very much to qualify any condemnation of its principle. But notwithstanding this disadvantage (which is much less, I fear, than has been insisted on), there would still have remained evidences of the probable success of the experiment. Those evidences were not satisfactory to my mind; and I may further observe, that while the people in general recommended the colonies to foreigners as especially worthy of their notice, I do not remember meeting with one individual who could point out any specific results, and few who would distinctly assert that there was any increasing and permanent benefit to the community from them.

It is probable that unless some great change is made in the present system, the colonies will be ultimately abandoned, or merge into the establishments for compulsory labour: in other words, the society will become the farmers, and the present colonists merely agricultural labourers, differing only from the ordinary labourer, inasmuch as they will work under the penalty of being treated as vagabonds in case of contumacy.

The observations I have hitherto made apply only to the free colonies. In the mendicity or compulsory colonies, the poor are assembled in large establishments, and cultivate the ground, either by task or day labour, and attend the cattle, &c., under the direction of certain officers; it is, in fact, a species of agricultural workhouse.

The following is a Return of the compulsory establishment at Merxplas. (p. 20.)

| 1826. | 1827. | 1828. | 1829. | 1830. | 1831.
Present on the 1st January | 604 | | 919 | | 816 | | 722 | | 658 | | 519 |
Admitted during the year | 422 | | 247 | | 172 | | 147 | | 97 | | 5 |
Brought back from desertion | 6 | | 25 | | 12 | | 23 | | 27 | | 18 |
Born | 5 | | 3 | | 3 | | 3 | | 1 | | .. |
| | 1,037 | | 1,194 | | 1,003 | | 895 | | 783 | | 542
Enlarged | 7 | | 159 | | 135 | | 116 | | 82 | | 18 |
Deserted | 14 | | 42 | | 35 | | 37 | | 65 | | 66 |
Died | 91 | | 166 | | 104 | | 37 | | 81 | | 23 |
Entered the military service as volunteers | .. | | .. | | 2 | | 39 | | 28 | | .. |
Entered the militia | 4 | | 9 | | 4 | | 8 | | 4 | | 3 |
Brought before justice | 2 | | 2 | | 1 | | 3 | | 8 | | .. |
| | 118 | | 378 | | 281 | | 240 | | 268 | | 110
Total, 31st Dec. | | 919 | | 816 | | 722 | | 655 | | 515 | | 432

The number of deaths is very striking. It amounts to 502 in six years, or 83⅔ per year, the average population during that time having consisted of 708 persons; so that the average annual mortality was nearly 12 per cent. The proportion of desertions appears also to have progressively increased, until in the last year 66 deserted out of 542.

On the whole the Belgian poor colonies appear to be valuable only as a warning.

FRANCE.

The information contained in this Appendix respecting the poor-laws of France, and their administration, consists of a paper by M. Frederic de Chateauvieux, on the comparative state of the poor in France and England (p. 21); a report by Mr. Majendie, from Normandy (p. 34); and reports by his Majesty’s Consuls from Havre (p. 179), Brest (p. 724), Nantes (p. 171), Bourdeaux (p. 229), Bayonne (p. 260), and Marseilles (p. 185).

We have already stated (pp. 117-125) the general outline of the French establishments for the relief of the poor, consisting of hospices for the impotent, hospitals for the sick, depôts de mendicité for vagrants and beggars (constituting the in-doors relief), and bureaux de bienfaisance for the secours à domicile, or out-doors relief. But this comprehensive and discriminative system of public relief appears to have been carried into effect in France with a far less approach to completeness than in Belgium. The number of hospices and hospitals is indeed large in the towns, and not inconsiderable in the country: but of the depôts de mendicité, of which the decree of 1808 ordered the establishment, very few were in fact organized, and of those the greater part have since been suppressed; and the bureaux de bienfaisance are almost confined to the towns. As more than three-fourths of the population of France is agricultural, only a small portion of that population therefore is capable of participating in public or organized relief. M. de Chateauvieux estimates that portion, or, in other words, the population of the towns possessing institutions for the relief of the poor, at 3,500,000 persons, and the value of the public relief annually afforded at 1,800,000l. sterling. (p 25.) If this approximation can be relied on, the expenditure per head in that portion of the French population nearly equals the expenditure per head in England.

The following are the most material portions of the consular reports:—

Havre.

Seine Inferieure. Population of the Department, 693,683. Population of Havre, 23,816.

The provisions for the relief of the poor in Havre may be collected from the following statement of the principal regulations of the hospitals, the bureau de bienfaisance, and the depôt de mendicité for the department, which is situated in Rouen. (pp. 182, 183, 184, 185, 186.)

Hospital Regulations at Havre.

Hospital.

Aged persons of 60, without distinction of sex, are admitted into the hospital upon a certificate of indigence delivered by the mayor of their district, and a ticket of admission signed by one of the directors of the establishment.

The sick are admitted if they can produce a certificate of indigence from the mayor or curate of their parish, and every care is taken of them at the expense of the establishment.

Orphans, foundlings, or deserted children are admitted, provided they are under 12 years; they are then engaged as servants or apprentices; but should they get out of employment from no fault of their own, they are at liberty to return until the age of 21 years.

Regulations of the Establishment of the Bureau de Bienfaisance, of Havre.

Bureau de Bienfaisance.

1. None are admitted but those whose poverty is well known, and who have lived 12 months in the town. The number of persons to be relieved is fixed by the bureau, whose names must be entered in a register, stating their age, date of application, place of residence, number and age of their children.

2. There is a second register for such poor who, having resided one year in Havre, shall apply after the closing of the register mentioned in the above article. This inscription is made in order of their dates, and the paupers carried upon it will only be entitled to relief in turn, and as vacancies occur in the first list, by departures, deaths, or discharge.

3. No poor of either sex can receive relief if more than 15 years old, and under 50. This exclusion is not applicable to widows with young children, or with four children under 15 years. In all cases they must produce a certificate that their children attend the free school, and are diligent.

4. The inscription in the register mentioned in No. 2, can only take place after inquiry has been made respecting the claimant, and it has been authorized by the bureau, which meets for this purpose once a month.

5. No children can be admitted to the assistance of the bureau, nor into the classes of instruction and work, above the age of 15, or without having been vaccinated.

6. If the number of children attending the classes and work shall be too many, either on account of the size of the building or the attention of the instructors, preference will be given to the children whose parents are already on their lists, and who are known to require assistance for the education of their children.

7. Every year, at the period of the first communion, a certain number of children shall be clothed. But to be admitted to this assistance they must produce a certificate from the clergyman appointed to give religious instruction, or from the nuns of the convent, that they have been attentive and are deserving. The boys are clothed in brown cloth; the girls in coloured calico.

8. Every year the sum of 653 fr. (26l.) shall be given to the clergymen of the town, in tickets of 1 fr. (9d.), 50 c. (4½d.), to be distributed where they think proper, of which only those who are past 60 or under 15 can participate.

9. Each person shall receive 3 lbs. of bread, two in the same family 6 lbs. of ditto, three to five persons in the same family, whose children are under 15, 12 lbs. of ditto, for 15 days. The number admitted to this relief to be regulated each year, so that the distribution shall not exceed 3,000 lbs. a month. These distributions will take place to the most needy each Monday and Friday, from 9 to 12 o’clock, after which no more will be given.

10. In the distribution of clothing, which will be made once a year, each individual will only be clothed once in two years.

11. When the establishment is enabled to give woollen clothing, it will only be to such as are above 60 years, or to children under seven years, and those the most destitute; this relief once in two years.

12. If any one who receives bread and clothing from the bureau sells or pawns the same, he shall be struck off.

13. All clothes given by the establishment shall be marked, so that they may be known.

14. Assistance to lying-in women, new-born children, and sick, will be rendered at their houses; those who are not on the lists cannot be assisted until their case is examined; money will not be given to women in labour but when absolutely necessary; soup is distributed on Mondays and Wednesdays, from two to three o’clock.

15. There is attached to the establishment a doctor, at 400 fr. (16l.), and two assistants, at 500 fr. (20l.) each per year, who attend such as are named by the bureau; and also women in extraordinary cases of labour.

16. A midwife is attached, at 200 fr. (8l.) a year, who attends all women designated by the bureau.

17. In hard weather, if it should be thought expedient to make a subscription, the poor who are upon the second list (article 2) will be relieved from it.

Rouen.

Rouen Depôt of Mendicity.
Regulations.

Section 1.—Duty of the Porter of the Outside Gates.

Art. 1st. All the gates shall be kept constantly shut.

3. The porter shall not allow any one to enter or go out during the day without a permission or passport from the Governor.

6. The porters and other officers are expressly forbidden, on pain of dismissal, to allow the inmates to send any message or commission, or have any correspondence whatever beyond the walls of the establishment. Letters to and from them must be laid before the governor before they are forwarded.

Section 2.—In-doors Porter.

Art. 3. To prevent all communication between the mendicants of different sexes and ages, the porter is ordered to keep locked the doors of the dormitories, the work-shops, the courts for recreation, and other places to which the inmates have access, as soon as they have quitted them, in pursuance of the regulations of the place.

4. It is the duty of the porter and other officers and servants to see that the inmates are carefully kept to the apartments provided for them respectively. The porter must go the rounds from time to time to ascertain this.

Section 3.—Dormitories.

Art. 1. The bell is to announce the hour of rising from the 1st of March to the 30th of September at 4 o’clock in the morning, and from the 1st Oct. to the 28th Feb. at 6. The inspectors must take care that the inmates immediately rise.

3. After prayers at 6 o’clock in summer, and 7 in winter, the inmates, accompanied by the inspectors, are to proceed to their respective workshops. The dormitories are to be swept and cleaned by two inmates, selected by turns for this employment out of each dormitory, and then to be kept locked.

4. At 9 in the evening, in all seasons, the bell is to announce bedtime. The inmates are immediately to proceed to their respective dormitories; the roll is to be called by the inspector, and prayers (not lasting more than a quarter of an hour) are to be said, and listened to attentively; after prayers each shall go quietly to bed, and perfect silence be kept in every dormitory.

Section 4.—Refectories.

Art. 1. Breakfast shall take place during the summer six months precisely at 8 in the morning, and during the six winter months at 9, and last half an hour. Immediately after breakfast the inmates are to return to work until precisely half-past 12 o’clock, the dinner hour at all seasons.

5. From half-past 12 till 2 is allowed for dinner and for recreation, under the inspection, in each division, of a servant. At 2 o’clock precisely the bell is to summon the inmates to return to work, and the inspectors are to call the roll in each workshop.

6. At 8 in the evening, in all seasons, the bell is to be rung for supper; the inmates may remain in the refectory till nine.

7. The same regulations shall be observed in the dormitories and refectories of each sex, except that as respects the aged, sick, and infirm.

Section 4.—Workshops.

Art. 1. The inspectors are to see that every workman is busily employed, and loses no time.

2. The workshops are to be kept locked during the hours of work, and the inmates not allowed to leave them.

3. Each able-bodied inmate is to have a task set him, proportioned to his strength and skill. If he do not finish it, he is to be paid only for what he has done, put on dry bread, and kept to work during the hours of recreation.

4. Every workman, who for three consecutive days fails in completing his task, is to be kept during the hours of meals and of recreation, and during the night, confined in the punishment-room upon bread and water, until he has accomplished his task.

5. Every workman who wilfully or negligently spoils the materials, tools, or furniture in his care, shall pay for them out of the reserved third of his earnings, besides still further punishment as the case may deserve.

6. Every workman doing more than his task is to be paid two-thirds of the value of his extra labour.

7. With respect to every inmate who shall have been imprisoned, 5 centimes for each day of imprisonment shall be deducted from the reserved third of his earnings. The amount of these deductions, and of all fines and other casual sources of profit, is to form a reserved fund for the purpose of rewards for those inmates who may distinguish themselves among their companions by good conduct and industry.

Section 7.—Religious Instruction.

Art. 1. Religious and moral instruction is to be given in the chapel twice a week—on Sundays and Thursdays, at 7 in the evening.

All the able-bodied inmates are to be present, in silence and attention, under the inspection of their respective superintendents. On Sundays, and the holidays established by the Concordat, all the inmates and the officers of the depôt shall hear mass at half-past 8 in the morning, and vespers at half-past 1 in the afternoon.

2. At periods determined by ecclesiastical authority, the children who are to be confirmed are to be instructed for two months.

7. When any of these regulations are broken, the inspectors and other officers are to report to the Governor, and he is to pronounce sentence on the inmates.

Britany.

Mr. Perrier’s report from Brest, and Mr. Newman’s from Nantes, give a very interesting account of the state of Britany. We will begin by Mr. Perrier’s, as the more general view. (pp. 728, 729.)

Finisterre | 524,396
Côtes-du-Nord | 598,872
Morbihan | 433,522
Ille-et-Vilaine | 547,052
Loire Inférieure | 470,093
| 2,573,935

It is extremely difficult to obtain any statistical information in Britany, all inquiries being received with distrust, not only by the authorities, but also by the inhabitants. This has been the principal cause of my delay in replying to the series of questions. The answers, imperfect as they may appear, are the result of patient and persevering inquiry.

The state of society in Britany, and its institutions, differ so widely from those of any other civilized country, that few of the questions are applicable. In order, therefore, to convey the information which they are intended to elicit, it is necessary to enter into a description of the population, which I shall endeavour to do as briefly as possible.

The population of Britany may be classed under the following heads:

- Old noblesse, possessing a portion of the land.

- Proprietors, retired merchants, and others, who have vested their money in landed property.

- Peasants, owners of the ground they till.

- Farmers.

- Daily labourers and beggars.

The abolition of the right of primogeniture causes a daily diminution of the two first classes. As property, at the demise of the owner, must be divided equally amongst his children, who can seldom agree about the territorial division, it is put up for sale, purchased by speculators, and resold in small lots to suit the peasantry. Farmers having amassed sufficient to pay a part, generally one-half, of the purchase-money of a lot, buy it, giving a mortgage at five or six per cent. for the remainder. Thus petty proprietors increase, and large proprietors and farmers decrease.

A man, industrious enough to work all the year, can easily get a farm.

Farms are small. Their average size in Lower Britany does not exceed 14 acres. Some are so small as two acres, and there are many of from four to eight. The largest in the neighbourhood of Brest is 36 acres. The average rate of rent is 1l. 5s. per acre for good land, and 8s. for poor land (partly under broom and furze).

The farmers are very poor, and live miserably: yet, their wants being few and easily satisfied, they are comparatively happy. Their food consists of barley bread, butter, buck wheat (made into puddings, porridge, and cakes). Soup, composed of cabbage-water, a little grease or butter and salt poured on bread. Potatoes; meat twice a week (always salt pork).

A family of 12, including servants and children, consumes annually about 700 lbs. of pork and 100 lbs. of cow beef; the latter only on festivals.

The class of daily labourers can only be said to exist in towns. In the country they are almost unknown.

The inmates of each farm, consisting of the farmer’s family, and one, two, or three males, and as many female servants (according to the size of the farm), paid annually, and who live with the family, suffice for the general work. At harvest some additional hands are employed. These are generally people who work two or three months in the year, and beg during the remainder. Daily labourers and beggars may, therefore, in the country, be classed under the same head.

Farmers’ servants are orphans or children of unfortunate farmers.

The conditions of the poorer farmers, daily labourers and beggars, are so near akin, that the passage from one state to another is very frequent.

Mendicity is not considered disgraceful in Britany. Farmers allow their children to beg along the roads. On saints’ days, especially the festivals of celebrated saints, whose shrines attract numerous votaries (all of whom give something, be it ever so little, to the poor), the aged, infirm, and children of poor farmers and labourers, turn out. Some small hamlets are even totally abandoned by their inhabitants for two or three days. All attend the festival, to beg.

The Bretons are hospitable. Charity and hospitality are considered religious duties. Food and shelter for a night are never refused.

Several attempts to suppress mendicity have been unsuccessful. District asylums were established. No sooner were they filled than the vacancies in the beggar stands were immediately replenished by fresh subjects from the country; it being a general feeling that it is much easier and more comfortable to live by alms than by labour.

In towns where the police is well regulated, the only mendicants permitted to sojourn are paupers belonging to the parish. They are known by a tin badge, for which they pay at the police office.

No such thing is known as a legal claim for assistance from public or private charities.

In towns, destitute workmen or other persons in distress must be authorized by the municipality previous to soliciting public or private assistance. To this effect, the pauper makes known his case to the commissary of police of the quarter he inhabits, who makes inquiry among the neighbours. Should the destitute case of the applicant be established, the mayor grants him a certificate of indigence, which authorizes him to apply for relief to the public institutions, and to solicit private charity. It also exempts him (or rather causes his exemption) from the payment of taxes.

The principal cause of misery is inebriety; its frequency among the lower orders keeps them in poverty. The “cabaret” (wine and brandy shop) absorbs a great portion of their earnings. This vice is not confined to men; the women partake of it. It has decreased within the last five or six years, but is still considerable.

We now proceed to give some extracts from the more detailed report of Mr. Newman, who writes, it must be recollected, from Nantes. (pp. 171, 172, 173, 174, 178, 175, 176, 177.)

LOIRE INFERIEURE.

Nantes.

Population of the Department, 470,093. Population of Nantes, 87,191.

Vagrants.

In the department Loire Inférieure there is no asylum for mendicants; but Nantes has a species of workhouse, “St. Joseph’s House,” supported entirely by private subscriptions. To this house the tribunals often send vagabonds, in virtue of the 274th article of the Penal Code, although the directors of the establishment have contested, and still contest, the right assumed by the judges to do so; and they never receive any person so sent as a criminal to be detained a certain number of days at labour as if in a prison, but merely give him a refuge as an act of charity, and liberty to leave the place, if he likes to go before the time expires. The number of vagrants that formerly infested Nantes (strangers to the department as well as to the city) have decreased to about a tenth part since begging in the streets was prohibited, and the paupers sent to this establishment.

The hospitals of Nantes receive all workmen, travellers, and needy strangers, that fall sick in the city (if foreigners, at the charge to their consuls of 1s. 3d. sterling per day for men, and 10d. for women.) If a man, (and his family also,) being destitute, wishes to return to his native place, and has not rendered himself liable to be committed as a vagrant, the préfet has the power to give a passport to him for that place; on the production of which at the mairie of the commune from which he sets out he receives from the public funds of the department three halfpence per league for the distance from thence to the next place he is to be relieved at, and so on to the end of his journey, each place he has to stop at being set down on his passport; if he deviates from the route designated, he is arrested as a vagabond.

There is in France throughout the whole country a general union for each of several trades, the carpenters, bakers, masons, tailors, &c. In each city or town of consequence, each society has a member who is called “the mother,” who receives the weekly contributions of those who reside in that place, affords relief to all of its members passing through it, and is obliged to procure work for the applicant, or support him at a fixed rate, established by their bye-laws, until a situation be provided for him there or elsewhere. Those unions sometimes assume a very dangerous power, by compelling masters to hire all their members that are without work, before they engage one man who does not belong to them.

Destitute Able-bodied.

In times of political commotion, of unforeseen events, of rigorous seasons, when the usual courses of labour are stopped, the civil administrations create temporary workshops, furnish tools, &c., to the labourers, and enter into contracts for repairs to the streets, quays, bridges, roads, &c., from which a large city, as well as the country parishes, can always draw some advantages for the money so distributed, to employ those persons who would otherwise be supported without work by the same funds. The money required on those occasions is furnished by the treasury of the city or commune, assisted by private subscriptions from nearly all persons in easy circumstances. The want of regular or parish workhouses for labourers, unemployed, is in some measure supplied by private charities, for a great number of wealthy families, and others of the middling class, give employment to old men, women, and children, in spinning, and in weaving of coarse linen, at prices far beyond those that the articles can be purchased at in the shops; but this plan is adopted to prevent a disposition to idleness, although at a greater sacrifice, perhaps, than would be made by most of the promoters of it, in a public subscription.

The bureau de bienfaisance distributes annually about 80,000 fr.; the chief part, or very nearly the whole, to poor families at their homes, in clothes, food, fuel, and sometimes money; but of the latter as little as possible. Les dames de charité (ladies of the first families, who are appointed annually to visit and give relief to the poor, each having a fixed district) distribute about three-fourths of that sum, which would be insufficient for the indigent if it were not assisted by distributions made by the priests of the different parishes and other persons employed to do so by private families, who give their alms in that manner, and not at their own residences. It is generally supposed that, in the whole, not less than 250,000 fr. are so distributed annually in the city of Nantes. In making this distribution care is always taken to prefer invalids to those in health.

Impotent through Age.

In the city of Nantes there is a general hospital, called the “Sanitat,” for the reception of the old and impotent; at present it contains about 800; it answers to an English workhouse; the inmates are lodged, fed, clothed, and are taken care of in every way: they are employed about trifling work, but the average gain by it does not exceed 20 fr. per annum for each. The average cost appears to be about 11 to 12 sous per day for each person. The establishment of St. Joseph’s, already alluded to, is, in fact, a sort of assistant to the Sanitat (although supported by private charity) for the 100 to 120 old people it contains. The Sanitat has a ward for dangerous as well as ordinary lunatics; is under the same board and direction as the Hôtel Dieu (the general hospital for the sick); but each is supported by its own funds, arising from bequests and donations from private persons, and from the city funds; yet if either hospital should require any assistance, the money wanted would be voted by the city treasury.

The general council for the department votes about 1200 to 1250 fr. annually to the Sanitat from the departmental funds.

Sick.

Nantes has a general hospital (Hôtel Dieu) for the sick, containing 600 beds, 300 of which are reserved for the indigent of the city. The expense of this establishment is about a franc to 25 sous per day to each person. The military are received at 20 sous per man per day, which is paid by the government. It is supported by its own funds, arising from bequests and donations, and grants made from time to time by the city; is under the same board and direction as the Sanitat. If a poor person becomes sick in the country, he is either relieved by the curé of the parish or by some of the more wealthy neighbours, or he comes into Nantes and resides there for a week or ten days before he makes an application to the mayor to be admitted into the hospital; he is then sent there as an inhabitant of the city. The authorities in the country have not the right to send a patient to the Hôtel Dieu, yet a great number arrive at the hospital, sent by country practitioners, who have not the skill, or perhaps the leisure or inclination, to attend to them; and they are always received, if it be possible to take them in. The students at the hospital are ever ready to admit any difficult cases or fractures from the country, for their own improvement.

There are also hospitals for the sick at the following places in the Loire Inférieure: Ancenis, for the town and commune; Chateaubriand, Paimbœuf, Savenay, and Clisson, for the towns only.

Besides the succour afforded to the poor at their homes by the bureau de bienfaisance, there are three dispensaries supported by that establishment, for administering relief to the sick, who are attended at their homes, if necessary, by the nuns of St. Vincent de Paule, 12 or 14 of whom are kept in the pay of, and are wholly supported by the bureau. They carry to them soup and other victuals, remedies, &c., and lend them linen and clothes, if wanted. There are a number of young men, who are either studying, or have just completed their study of medicine, who are anxious to give their assistance gratis, and who are in constant attendance on those who are receiving relief from the dispensaries. It is impossible to state the extent to which such relief is given. The nuns are paid by the bureau de bienfaisance, which also pays for the medicines, &c. they distribute; but the sum that is thus expended bears but a small proportion to the amount that is distributed by the hands of those sisters, who, from the accurate knowledge they possess of the real situation and condition of each person they visit, are employed by numerous wealthy persons to distribute privately such charities as they feel disposed to give; and can thus be well applied in providing those little comforts for the invalids, which cannot be sent from the bureau to all those who require them, although the funds are increased from time to time by the proceeds of representations at the theatre, public concerts, &c. given for that purpose.

Independent of the foregoing, there are several tradesmen’s societies on the plan of benefit societies in England, the members of which pay five or six sous per week, and receive, in case of sickness, all necessary assistance in medicines, &c., besides an indemnity of a franc to a franc and a half per day during the time they are unable to work.

Orphans, Foundlings, or Deserted Children.

The law requires an establishment (a tour) in each department, for the secret reception of children. Every arrival is particularly noted and described in a register kept for that purpose, that the infant may be recognised if it should be claimed. The children, after having received all necessary assistance and baptism, are confided to women in the country (a regulation of this department only), to dry-nurse them (au biberon); they are paid eight francs per month for the first year, seven for the second and third, six until the ninth year, and four francs per month from that time until the child is 12 years old; when the nurse who has taken care of one from its birth to that age receives a present of 50 fr. for her attention. A basket of requisite linen is given with the child, and a new suit of clothes annually for seven years. These regulations are observed for orphans and foundlings. The registers for the last 20 years give an average of 360 to 370 admissions annually; more than one-half of them die under one year old; therefore, with the deaths at other ages, and the claims that are made for some of them before they attain 12 years, the establishment has seldom at its charge more than from 1200 to 1300, of all ages, from 0 to 12.

The parents being unknown when they place their infants in the “tour,” cannot be traced afterwards, unless they acknowledge themselves; they are, however, as has been observed before, liable for the expenses of their offspring; and whenever they are discovered, whether by claiming their children or otherwise, the right to make them repay the costs they have occasioned is always maintained, and they are compelled to pay the whole, or as much as their finances will admit of.

Deserted children of the city, or the children of poor persons, who cannot support them, are received and treated in a similar manner, without being placed in the “tour;” they are admitted according to the state of the finances appropriated to such branch of the establishment, which in general permits from 80 to 100 to be on it. Certificates are required that the parents are dead, the child abandoned, or that the mother is totally unable to support it, or that she has a number of young children. Independent of the 1400 children thus received by the Hôtel Dieu, the bureau de bienfaisance supports 200 legitimate children, and the société maternelle from 60 to 80, until they attain the age of 18 years.

The number of deaths in 1832 was 11,999; the number under one year old, 1970, or one in 6¹²⁄₁₉₇. Chateauneuf states, for all France, 33 deaths, under one year old, out of every hundred births, which is nearly double the number of deaths of that description for this department; but the mortality is much greater amongst the orphans, foundlings, and deserted children of this city received at the hospital. An account, made up to the year 1828, gave an average of 52 deaths, under one year old, of every hundred children received there; and since that date it has increased considerably.

There are women in the city who make it their business to place infants in the “tour,” and who afterwards attend the delivery of them to the country nurses, and thus, knowing where certain children are placed, give notice to the parents, who can visit them without being discovered. Children thus recognised are frequently demanded by their parents for servants, in the ordinary way; and by this plan they screen themselves from the payment of the child’s support.

Effects of these institutions.

There can be no doubt that the prospect of an asylum for the indigent creates amongst the working class a disposition to idleness and debauchery, whilst at the same time there are those who look down with disgust on their miserable brothers who are compelled to accept a public charitable support; and the shame which they consider attaches to a man who does it stimulates them to avoid the doors of an hospital by industry and sobriety. The number of these, however, is very small, whilst the applications for admittance to the Sanitat and to St. Joseph’s are so very numerous, so far beyond the accommodation that can be granted, that after the name of an applicant is registered he has (frequently) to wait 18 to 24 months for his turn. For the sick, however, at the Hôtel Dieu it is not so; for arrangements are made that no delay takes place with any case requiring immediate relief or treatment.

The shades between the healthy labourers of the lowest class that support themselves, and those who obtain relief from charitable institutions, are so slight, that it is almost impossible to state the difference in their conditions. No man has a legal claim upon any of the charities; in the distribution of which, however, there is but one fixed rule that governs the distributors, and that is, to compel the applicants for relief to work to their utmost power, and to give such relief only in each individual case as they suppose to be necessary with the wages he can or ought to earn, according to the demand for labourers at the time.

According to the price of lodgings, victuals and clothing in Nantes, a steady labourer at the highest rate of wages, 1s. 3d. per day, supposing he had 300 days’ employment in the year, is considered to be able to support a wife and three young children; if he has a larger family, is out of employ, or is at a lower rate of wages, without his wife and children being able to gain a little, he is regarded as indigent, and in need of succour. A labourer, his wife, and three children consume in the day from 8 to 10 lbs. of bread, which is their chief food, and will cost him 240 fr.; his cabbages and other vegetables, butter or fat for his soup, 90 fr.; his room, 50 fr.; leaving 70 fr. or 2l. 18s. 4d. for clothes, fuel, &c.; which make up the sum of his wages for 300 days at 1½ fr., or 1s. 3d. per day. The wife in general adds a little to the husband’s earnings by spinning, and sometimes weaving; but it is not much when the family is young.

To prevent the increase and lessen the present state of disorder into which the greater part of the labouring class and mechanics of Nantes has fallen, a number of master tradesmen and proprietors of factories will not employ those men who do not agree to allow a certain sum weekly to be retained from their wages for the use of the wife and family. The example spreads, and will no doubt become more general; but this circumstance shows forth, in strong colours, the immoral state of the working class in France.

There are no cottages for labourers, as are seen in England: the chief part of the work on farms in this part of France is done by servants in the house of the farmer, or by married labourers, to whom an acre or two, sometimes as high as 10, according to the quality, is fenced off from the estate for the use of the man and his family; for which he has to give a certain number of days’ work. If such patch of land requires to be ploughed, the farmer does it for him, for an additional number of days’ work. Besides those, there are an immense number of little proprietors, having from an acre and a half to 10 or 15 acres; and they give their labour also to the farmers of larger estates, receiving in return either assistance with oxen, carts, ploughs, &c., or an equivalent in some produce which they do not raise on their own land. Very little money, if any, passes between them. These little properties have sprung up from labourers and others fencing in small patches of commons or waste lands. Nearly all the vineyards in the Loire Inférieure are cultivated by labourers, who have a small spot of ground partitioned off from the main estate: it is for married men only that ground is so divided; the single men live with their families in the villages, or in public-houses, but generally in the latter. In regard to these questions, it must be observed that almost every farmer who hires an estate takes such a one as will just sustain his family, without the aid, or with the assistance only of a man or a man and woman servants, and that therefore very few daily labourers find employment. Few estates run to 200 acres, and if so large, a daily labourer is only hired during harvest, so wretchedly is the husbandry of the country managed.

The cottages or houses in villages for labourers are in general the property of the owners of the large estates in the neighbourhood, as well as those that are built on the patches of land for the use of those who are married; some of the latter, however, are built at the joint expense of the farmer and labourer. A cottage or cottages in a detached place from a village, or a house in such a situation, with a little plot of ground for a garden for each apartment, lets for about 20 to 30 francs a year per room, whether the building consists of one or of four rooms. In the villages the rent is a little higher, from 30 to 50, and sometimes as high as 80, if the garden be large to a cottage with only one room. These buildings are so seldom on sale, that the price cannot be stated with accuracy.

We now proceed to the

GIRONDE.

Bourdeaux. (pp. 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235.)

Population of the Department, 554,225. Population of Bourdeaux, 109,467.

There are no houses of industry in this department for the destitute able-bodied, except that known as the Depôt de Mendicité.

This institution was first established in the year 1827, with a view to suppress the great number of professed beggars who infested the streets and public walks, taking advantage of any defect of conformation, &c. to attract the notice of passengers. By law all persons found begging in the streets are liable to be taken up, and imprisoned; but instead of imprisonment, those arrested are conveyed to the Depôt de Mendicité, where, if able, they are made to work. The good effects of this institution are visible; for instead of the number of professed beggars amounting to 800, which it did before the institution of the establishment, it does not now amount to above 150 or 200.

This institution is supported by private contribution. The King and the town contribute a certain portion to make up what may be wanting. The average number of the population of the depôt amounts to 350 souls.

Generally speaking, owing to the want of population, employment is to be found in commerce, trade or agriculture. The high price of wages in the towns and in the country proves that work is always to be found.

When any unforeseen circumstances have arisen to interrupt the common order of things, the local authorities have come to the assistance of the population, by giving work to those out of employment. Public subscriptions are also resorted to on these occasions.

All indigent families, and in which there are those capable of working, but who are not able to obtain it, or whose numbers are so great that all cannot be subsisted, are relieved by the Bureaux de Charité.

The same relief is given to those who, having a habitation, are unable of themselves, through age or infirmity, to support themselves.

The mode of obtaining this relief is by petition, signed by some credible person, and attested by the priest or protestant clergyman. It is proportioned to the number of the family, and to the number of those able to work, and whose wages go to the maintenance of the family. The relief consists in bread, soup, wood for fuel, and sometimes, though rarely, blankets and woollen clothing; medicines for the sick, and broth.

Generally speaking, these distributions of food would be insufficient; but most indigent families are assisted by private persons, so that, on the whole, they have wherewithal to sustain life.

The annual distribution à domicile (domiciliary relief) amounts to the sum of 100,000 francs (4,000l.).

3,520 families are relieved. The number of impotent in these families, father and mother included, though able to work, amounts to 9,634, or less than a franc per head per month.

It is in proportion to these numbers that the relief is given, but it is greater in winter than the other parts of the year.

As to the medicines and broth, whenever there are sick in these families a sufficiency is given. Physicians are attached to each auxiliary bureau of every district, who visit the sick, prescribe the remedies, &c., all of which are distributed by the Sœurs de Charité (Sisters of Charity, an order of nuns who devote themselves to the care of the poor and sick, and who undertake, gratuitously, the elementary education of their children). It is a most respectable and praiseworthy institution.

The same Sisters receive in their houses the little girls of these families who are old enough to read. Books are supplied by the instructors.

In extraordinary cases, recourse is had to subscriptions and collections, which increase the means of the Bureaux de Charité; so that during long and hard winters, more clothing, &c. is distributed. It seldom happens that money is given.

There are, however, no positive regulations on these points. The whole is in the hands of the directors of this establishment. A responsible receiver is attached to it, whose accounts are submitted to the examination of the Cours des Comptes (audit office). Thus, though the distributions are left to the judgment of the directors, they are subjected to control.

The above details relate to the city of Bourdeaux. There are, however, proportionate institutions in most of the larger towns of the department, but in the poorer parishes and rural districts the Bureaux de Charité are merely nominal. These parishes being without a revenue, are unable to assist their poor, who subsist on the alms they may receive at the different dwelling-houses, and who when ill, if possible, come to the nearest hospital, generally to that of Bourdeaux.

In this department there are no schools in which indigent children are received to be fed and clothed gratuitously, but there are those in which they receive a certain degree of instruction.

For Boys.—The institution of Freres des Ecoles Chrétiennes (Brothers of the Christian Schools), and two Lancasterian schools, which have been lately instituted.

For Girls.—A Lancasterian school, a few boarding schools, in which a certain number of indigent girls are taught gratuitously; and also the Sisters of Charity attached to the administration of the Bureaux de Charité.

The Ecoles Chrétiennes are at the charge of the town. The sum appropriated to those establishments amounts annually to about 14,000 francs (560l.). Admissions are granted by the town. The number of children instructed in reading, writing, and a little arithmetic, amounts to about 1,800 for the town. At the Lancasterian school, the instruction is on a more extended scale. Grammar, drawing and surveying are taught, in addition to what is taught at the Ecoles Chrétiennes.

There are at present in these latter schools 300 boys and 150 girls in all.

The department pays the expenses of these schools.

The girls received in the private boarding schools, where they learn to read, to write, and to sew, amount to the number of about 600. This is entirely a private act of charity.

The number of girls received by the Sisters of Charity amounts to about 900.

There has also been established within the last year a model infant school, founded by private subscriptions, for the children of labourers and journeymen artisans. At present, however, it is so little known, that it is of very little importance.

Impotent through Age.

Bourdeaux is the only town of the department which possesses any establishments of this kind, viz., the Hospital of Incurables (Hospice des Incurables), and that of the old people (Hospice des Vieillards).

These two establishments support 300 old people. This number falls very short of that which the population requires. The requisite qualifications for admission are, to have passed the age of 60, and to prove that the candidate has no means of subsistence.

It may be added, that at Bourdeaux the number of old people who are candidates for admittance to these hospitals amounts to 300, and that on an average a vacancy occurs for each at the end of four years at the Hospital des Incurables, and two years at Hospice des Vieillards, and that all these claimants find either in their families, the Secours à Domicile, or private charity, means of subsistence.

Sick.

The department possesses, for the reception of the sick, a small hospital at Bazas; one at St. Macaire, and one at La Réole; a more extensive one at Blaye and Libourne, and the great hospital at Bourdeaux.

The great hospital of Bourdeaux contains always from 600 to 650 sick. The daily admittances average 30; the discharges, 28, and the deaths two.

No distinction is made as to country, &c. either in admittance, treatment, or discharge.

The inmates of this hospital are generally composed of inhabitants of the town, who are too poor to be treated at home, or who prefer the care that is taken of them there to that which they would experience at home; of workmen, &c. from the neighbouring departments employed in the town, and who have nowhere else to go; of peasants, even in easy circumstances, who, from illness or accidents, have not the same resources at home.

Bourdeaux possesses a Hospice de la Maternité, or Lying-in Hospital, and a society, founded by private benefactions, for the same purpose.

The Lying-in Hospital is an asylum in which any woman who presents herself in the ninth month of her pregnancy, whatever may be her state, her country or condition, is admitted without difficulty, without question or inquiry, under the name she pleases, and in such a manner, that the fear of being known or discovered may not prevent those who wish to remain unknown from benefiting by the institution.

Women admitted at the ninth month remain in the establishment till they have completely recovered their lying-in. (p. 231.)

The number of those women, either lying-in or subsisted in the hospital, varies from 35 to 60, and their stay is about 30 days. The births amount annually from 400 to 450; upon this number, 30 or 40 at most are kept and suckled by their mothers; the rest are abandoned and sent to the Foundling Hospital.

Among these inmates, about one-fifth is composed of married women, who have no means of being confined at home; two-fifths of young girls of the town, chiefly servants; the rest of peasants, who leave their homes in order not to be discovered.

Illegitimate children deserted by their parents, and which are deposited at the Foundling Hospital, are clothed and nourished by women in the institution, till a nurse out of it can be procured.

These children, after being suckled, remain with their nurses till the age of 12 years. At this age, if the individuals who have brought them up do not wish to keep them gratuitously till their majority and give them a trade, they return to the hospital, and they then cease to be at the charge of the special funds. The establishment itself provides for their expenses; and until they can be placed as apprentices, they receive, in the Bourdeaux hospital, the rudiments of reading and writing, and they are taught some trade.

Once placed as apprentices, they remain with the master till the age of 21, when they are to shift for themselves.

Those that cannot be placed, or are infirm, remain in the hospital, and form a sort of permanent population there.

Children whose parents are known, and who are living, but have either disappeared or are confined, are received in the same way as foundlings, the mode of admission differing only. This must be granted by the prefect after an inquest. For the remainder, they enjoy the same advantages as the foundlings.

As to orphans, they are also admitted into the Foundling Hospital, upon the order of the administrative commission, after information as to the state of the family. At Bourdeaux the orphans of the town alone are received. Those of the rest of the department remain at the charge of their parishes, and generally live by alms. The orphans received into the hospital enjoy the same privileges as the foundlings and deserted children.

The annual exposal of children amounts at Bourdeaux to 900, comprising all those abandoned at the Lying-in Hospital, those of the town, and those sent from the various parts of the department, as well as from the neighbouring departments.

From 10 to 15 deserted children, and the same number of orphans, are annually admitted.

The population of the hospital amounts generally to 40 new-born infants, waiting to be sent to nurse; 150 children beginning their apprenticeships, and waiting to be placed; about 150 infirm of all ages forming the permanent part of the population.

The number of children from the age of one month to that of 12 years, amounts to 3,600; and that of children above 12 and below 21 apprenticed out, amounts to above 1,500.

The expenditure of the hospital, comprising the clothing for the children brought up out of the establishment, amounts to 110,000 francs per annum (4,400l.) That for the nurses or board in the country, to 240.000 francs (9,600l.), of which

104,000 fr. (4,160l.) is given by the government upon the common departmental fund.

27,000 fr. (1,080l.) taken from the revenue of the town of Bourdeaux.

60,000 fr. (2,400l.) voted by the general council on the Centimes Facultatifs.

49,000 fr. (1,960l.) on the revenue of the other parishes of the department.

Owing to the extreme carelessness and entire absence of frugality on the part of the peasantry and other classes of labourers, it is impossible to give an accurate account of their expenditure. They live entirely from hand to mouth; and nine-tenths are in debt for the common necessaries of life. The men are addicted to gambling, and the women spend the greater part of what they earn in useless articles of dress. As to the expenditure for schooling and religious teaching, no provision is thought of.

BASSES PYRENÉES.

Bayonne.

Population of the Department, 428,401. Population of Bayonne, 14,773.

On recurring to the statistical statements respecting this department, it will be seen that it supports its population with a smaller number of deaths, births, and marriages, than any other extensive district in Europe. Compared with the countries which have been lately considered, its provisions for public charity are trifling, as will appear by the following extracts from Mr. Harvey’s report. (pp. 260, 261, 262.)

Vagrants.

Mendicity, under the head of vagrancy, is not prevalent in the department of the Lower Pyrenees; the relief afforded to French subjects passing through the department, seeking work (which seldom occurs), or returning to their native places, is at the rate of three sols per league, or ½d. per mile; but this relief is more frequently granted to foreigners in distress, and is paid by the several mayors at certain stations or towns on their route. There is no public relief granted to vagrants living by begging.

Destitute Able-bodied.

There are no public or private establishments or relief afforded to the destitute able-bodied or their families; but this description of pauper is seldom or ever to be met with in this department.

Impotent through Age.

There are no public or religious institutions or regulations for the relief of the poor in general; they subsist by begging; and when no longer able to do so, they receive a trifling relief from “The Ladies of Charity” (Dames de la Charité), who make quarterly collections from the respectable inhabitants, which these ladies distribute in food, fuel, or money, to the pauvres honteux, or infirm, as the case may be; but this private voluntary subscription is very inadequate.

The inhabitants of Bayonne (and it is hoped and expected that the example will be followed in other places) are now occupied in forming, by voluntary annual subscriptions, an establishment for the relief of the poor; a commission of gentlemen has been appointed, and there is every prospect that this charitable undertaking will be crowned with success.

Sick.

In the towns there are public hospitals for the sick and wounded; but when convalescent, they are obliged immediately to quit the hospital, destitute or not.

Children.

Illegitimate.

Illegitimate children (infants only) are received into the hospitals established by the famous St. Vincent de Paul, but where the parents have no communication with or control over them; these children are placed out to nurse in the country at about 5s. a month, and are afterward provided for by the hospital, if in the course of seven years they are not claimed by the parents.

When not deposited in the hospitals, the mothers have invariably been found to bestow upon their infants the most scrupulous care and attention, the natural consequence of having had the firmness and humanity not to abandon their offspring, notwithstanding the facility of concealment held out to them by the hospital.

Orphans or Deserted Children.

There are no public or private institutions or regulations for orphans.

Deserted Children.—There are no public or private regulations or institutions under this head; but I have not heard of a case in question in this department.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

Cripples.—Obliged to beg if destitute, there being no public or private institutions or regulations for cripples.

The deaf and dumb, if poor and destitute, are obliged to beg; there are excellent establishments in the large towns for their instruction, for those who have the means.

Blind.—Obliged to beg, there are no public or private institutions for them.

Idiots and Lunatics.

There are no public or private institutions for idiots.

There is an institution (Maison de Force) for the admission of lunatics at the Chef Lieu of the department only (at Pau).

The questions relative to hired country labourers are not altogether applicable to this department, which is invariably divided into small farms, not exceeding from 20 to 30 English acres each, the families on each farm sufficing for the cultivation thereof, the proprietors or the farmers being themselves the labourers of the soil, the neighbours assisting each other in time of harvest; consequently it seldom occurs that a hired labourer is called in; but when employed they are paid at the rate of about 1s. per diem, without food. The women, and the children from the age of 10 years, constantly work on the land. The children generally receive a primary education at the village day schools, where there is always a schoolmaster or mistress appointed by the authorities; price of education, 2 francs (about 1s. 7d.) per month. At these schools the children are prepared for their first communion; they learn reading, writing, and calculation. The food of the proprietor or farmer labourer chiefly consists in vegetable soups, potatoes, salt fish, pork, bacon, &c., and seldom or ever butcher’s meat, and invariably Indian corn bread, homebaked. These persons (who are generally the owners of the soil) procure for themselves a comfortable subsistence, but they are seldom able to lay by anything. The equal division of the land prevents in a great measure mendicity. The families on each farm in the whole department consist on an average of about five persons.

It is calculated that persons attain a more advanced age in this department than in any other in France.

BOUCHES DU RHONE.

Marseilles.

Population of the Department, 359,473. Population of Marseilles, 145,115.

Vagrants.

It has been calculated that the average number of beggars in this department (the Mouths of the Rhone) is 1060, whereof 900 are natives and 105 strangers, besides 240 who traverse the department. The calculation having been made some years ago, the numbers may have increased with the population, which was then 313,000, and is now 359,000.

The only relief granted to the poor travelling is by giving them a “passport d’indigent,” furnished by the local authorities, in which their exact route is designated, and not to be deviated from; they receive, as they pass through each commune, three sous for every league of distance, equal to a halfpenny per mile, and lodging for the night: beggars have no relief but private charity.

Destitute Able-bodied.

The principal establishment at Marseilles for their relief is the bureau de bienfaisance, whose revenues, arising partly from the remnant property of some charitable institutions existing before the revolution, partly from an annual allowance granted by the budget of the commune, partly by a tax on theatrical admissions, and from private subscriptions, amount altogether to about 140,000 francs, or 5600l., of which the major part is distributed in money to the “pauvres honteux” (those who have seen better days), and in providing necessaries and medical assistance for the poor in general, by five directors, and at their sole discretion. Similar establishments exist in the other arrondissements of this department, but, with the exception of Aix, with very small means, principally dependent on the commune budgets, which, in many cases, furnish nothing. I am informed that in this commune, with a population of 140,000 inhabitants, the bureau relieves, more or less, 800 families of “pauvres honteux” and 4000 families of indigent poor. There is also at Marseilles a société de bienfaisance, supported principally by private charity, whose chief object is the establishment of soup kitchens and dispensaries for the relief of the poor, and a school for the education of their children from four to nine years of age. No relief is ever given in money. Their annual revenue is about 40,000 francs, or 1600l.; and in times of great distress the local administration increases its funds, and supplies the poor with soup through its means.

The number of children received in the school above-mentioned is about 200: they receive two meals a day and sleep at home; they are taught various trades, and apprenticed at the expense of the commune; there are also several gratuitous day-schools for children of the age of seven years and upwards, and who bring their own food.

Impotent through Age.

The only public establishment for the reception of this class is that called “La Charité,” in which those are admitted who have attained the age of seventy, and none before; the number of those individuals at present is about 350; they are there boarded, clothed, and fed.

Sick.

There are no district institutions for the reception of the sick, except the general hospitals. The average number of sick in the hospital of Marseilles may be about 450.

Children.

One large branch of the administration of hospitals of Marseilles is “La Charité,” which receives, as before mentioned, old men, and also all children under twelve years of age, whether illegitimate, orphans, foundlings, or deserted; they are there received, and, when infants, principally nursed in the country. At this time there are 2240 infants in this situation, and on their return they are boarded, lodged, and educated.

SARDINIAN STATES.

The information respecting the Sardinian States consists of answers from Piedmont, Genoa, and Savoy, obtained by Sir Augustus Foster from the Minister of the Interior, from M. de Vignet, a Senator of Chambery, from Marquis Brignole Sale, Syndic of Genoa, and from the Marquis Cavour, Syndic of Turin, and his son, Count Camille Cavour.

The following extracts comprise their most material contents. (Pages 653, 654, 655, 656, 657, 659, 660, 661, 662.)

The general system appears to resemble that of France, except that in Piedmont mendicity is not an offence.

Piedmont.

Mendicants.

Mendicity is not forbidden by law; every person who is considered unable to obtain by his own industry subsistence for himself and his family may station himself in the streets, and ask charity of the passers by. The government and the local authorities have often, but in vain, endeavoured to repress the innumerable abuses which have followed. But the regulations which have been made for this purpose have been ineffectual and even nugatory. The law, however, which forbids the poor to beg out of their parishes, is frequently put in force. When a great number of strangers are found begging in a town, the municipal authorities drive them out en masse, leaving it to the gendarmerie to oblige them to return to their country, or to the places considered to be their homes. But as the law in question is not enforced by any punishment, if they find any difficulty in living at home, they soon return to violate it afresh.

There are no means of ascertaining, even by approximation, the total number of mendicants. It depends, too, in part on many causes continually varying; such as good or bad harvests, hard or mild winters, and the changes of employment in those trades which afford subsistence to many hands. It is spread, however, over the whole country, but in different degrees. In the valleys of the Alps it scarcely exists; in those of the Apennines it is considerable, as is generally the case where chestnuts are the ordinary food of the lower orders.

If a labouring man, not domiciled in the place of his residence, finds himself, from accident or illness, unable either to earn his living, or to reach his home, the authorities, both of his temporary residence, and of the places that lie in his route homewards, are required to supply to him the means of travelling. In Turin, a small pecuniary assistance is given to all workpeople who wish to return to their own homes, but this is not a general practice.

Destitute Able-bodied.

Are there any establishments for the reception of the destitute able-bodied and their families, in which they are set to work, and furnished with food and clothes?

There are none. The only attempt of the sort was one made some years ago at Raconis, and it failed almost immediately, among difficulties and bad consequences of every description. An establishment called Ergastolo exists near Turin, in which young vagrants are confined and kept to constant work; but although a person may be committed to it without trial on a simple order from the police, it is considered rather as a house of correction than a workhouse.

There are still convents at whose doors soup, bread, and other kinds of food are distributed. But this deplorable practice is not now sufficiently prevalent to produce a sensible effect except in some parts of the Genoese coast, where the mendicant orders are the most numerous, and the poverty the greatest.

Many charitable institutions have ecclesiastical forms and names, but their attention is almost confined to the sick and the impotent. When a bad harvest or a hard winter occasions much distress, the municipal authorities, either spontaneously or on the suggestion and with the aid of the government, undertake public works in order to give employment to the able-bodied. This is more frequent in the large towns, such as Turin and Genoa.

To what extent do they obtain relief in kind and in money?

They never receive either from the government or from the municipal authorities; what they get is from private charity. But on some great occasions, such as the anniversary of the Restoration of the Monarchy, or the celebration of the King’s Birth-day, food and clothes are distributed among some of the most needy families.

Many of the towns have Monts-de-piété, which lend on pledges at 6 per cent., but under very rigorous rules. If the unhappy borrower cannot redeem the pledge before the fixed time, it is sold, whatever may be its value, for the amount of the debt. In spite of this, the number of people who have recourse to them is immense. I do not think I exaggerate in saying that there are very few poor housekeepers some of whose furniture or clothes is not thus in pawn.

Impotent through Age.

1. Are there hospitals for the reception of those who through age are incapable of earning their subsistence?

There are none avowedly for this purpose, but there are several intended for incurables, into which those whose only infirmity is old age, manage to get received.

2. Do they receive relief in kind and in money at their own homes? They receive none from the government or the municipal authorities, but such relief is afforded by many charitable institutions. In Turin, for example, the congregation of St. Paul has large revenues; and by law, there ought in every parish to be a charitable association. But, in fact, none are to be found excepting in some villages and towns; almost all the rural parishes are without them. The resources of those which exist arise from endowments, from donations, and from periodical collections made in churches, or from house to house. These associations certainly do much good, but being subjected to no general rules or central control, their proceedings are neither uniform nor regular; a source of enormous abuse, which, in the present state of things, it is impossible to correct or even to verify.

Much charity is also given through the hands of the clergy. This is, without any doubt, the best distributed, and the most effectual; much of it is devoted to the aged and impotent.

The Sick.

In all the towns, and in many of the large villages, there are hospitals in which any individual suffering under acute sickness, or casualty, may be nursed until his perfect recovery. The principal acute complaint is fever. But there are few hospitals for chronic or incurable cases, and few such patients can obtain access to them: they are, therefore, in general left to private charity.

The hospitals have in general property in land, in the public funds, or lent on mortgage, and when these revenues are insufficient, they are assisted from the local assessments of the parishes and provinces, and by charitable persons. The management of the different hospitals is not uniform; it is in general much under the influence of the government. In some towns, the ecclesiastical authorities and the chapters interfere, and it is in such cases in general that there is most of disorder and abuse. In most parishes the indigent sick receive gratuitous treatment from the physicians and surgeons, who are paid an annual salary by the municipal authorities, or the charitable associations. In Turin, and in some other places, there are dispensaries, distributing gratis, to those who have a certificate of poverty from their clergyman, the most usual and necessary remedies, whenever medically ordered. In general, the sick who cannot procure admission to the hospitals are in a pitiable state of poverty and distress.

Children.

Illegitimate.

If an unmarried woman has a child by an unmarried man, she has recourse to the ecclesiastical tribunal, that is to say, to the episcopal court of the diocese to compel him to marry her. If she succeeds in proving her previous good conduct, and that promises, or other means of seduction were employed against her, the tribunal orders the marriage. The defendant may refuse; but in that case the cause is carried before the civil judges, who admitting the seduction as already proved, award to her damages, regulated by the circumstances of the case.

The child is by law entitled to an allowance for its maintenance, which may be demanded from either parent.

It is to be observed that, in consequence of the constant inclination of the ecclesiastical tribunal, in favour of the female plaintiff, in order that the harm done may be repaired by marriage, and the ease with which children are disposed of in the Foundling Hospitals, few illegitimate children are brought up at home, even in the lowest classes of society.

If the seducer is a member of the family, and under the authority of his father, the girl in general has recourse to his parents for the damages awarded to her. The illegitimate child may claim its allowance from its paternal or maternal grandfather; and if its father and mother have died without leaving it any provision, may claim one from those who have succeeded to their property.

Foundlings, Orphans, and Deserted Children.

Many towns have hospitals for foundlings. Their parents may remain perfectly unknown; they have only to deposit the child at night in a wheel which in all these hospitals communicates with the street and with the interior of the house, ring a bell to warn the person on the watch, and go away. The wheel turns, the child is received into the hospital, and numbered, and no further trace remains of the transaction.

Genoa possesses a splendid orphan establishment; and there is one in Turin for girls only. But they are far from being sufficient for this numerous and interesting class. There is no further public assistance for orphans and deserted children; they are thrown on private charity.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

There is no establishment for persons maimed or deformed. Even in the surgical hospitals, as soon as a patient no longer requires the assistance of art, he is dismissed, even if he should have lost the use of his limbs.

In Genoa there is an establishment for the deaf and dumb, which enjoys a well-founded celebrity. On certain conditions poor children are gratuitously admitted. There is no institution for the blind, or any further public relief for any of the classes in question: they are left to private charity.

Idiots and Insane.

There are two large establishments for the insane, one at Turin, the other at Genoa. In each a small payment is made, in respect of the lunatic, either out of his own property, or, if he has none, by his parish or province. In some rare cases insane persons are received gratuitously.

Some mountain districts, and particularly in the valley of Aoste, contain many of the idiots, commonly called Cretins. They are in general gentle and inoffensive, and the objects of the pity and zealous assistance of all around them, so much so that it is never necessary to place them in an hospital. The interesting popular belief that a special protection of heaven is attached to the house inhabited by a Cretin is well known.

Effects of these Institutions.

It is not to the encouragement given by public charity that the great number of premature and improvident marriages contracted in this country is to be imputed. With the exception of those between professional beggars, we owe the greater part of them, first, to the natural disposition of ignorant and rude persons to follow, without reflection, the passions of the moment, and, secondly, to the blind zeal with which the clergy and bigotted people encourage all kinds of marriages, with the erroneous idea of thus preventing the immorality and scandal of illegitimate connexions. Nor are family ties affected by the charitable institutions. Whatever those may be, the poor man ever considers his relations as his sole support against adversity. Besides, as the Roman law with respect to paternal authority has been preserved among us unimpaired, family union is more easy and common than anywhere else.

Though some individuals, skilled in working on the public compassion, may gain more than the average wages of labour, we cannot compare the results of the honest and independent labourer’s industry with the mendicant’s profits: so immense is the difference between the honourable existence of the one, and the humiliation, debasement, and moral degradation of the other.

GENOA.

1. Public mendicity not being at present forbidden, it is difficult to ascertain the number of professed mendicants. Those on the town of Genoa may however be estimated at, at least, 200. If we add to these their families, or at least those members of their families who exist on the profit of their begging, the whole mendicant population may amount to from 600 to 700[20].

2. The unemployed poor, not being mendicants, are relieved at their own homes by the “magistrat de misèricorde,” the “dames de misèricorde,” and by other governors of charities, out of the revenue of many pious bequests, with the administration of which they are charged.

3. The children of the poor, to whatever class they may belong, are gratuitously instructed in the primary public schools, under the direction of the municipal authorities. Six of these schools are for boys, and two for girls.

4. There is a mont de piété in Genoa, from which the poor can borrow on pledge; at 8 per cent. interest.

5. The poor of all ages, from the earliest childhood, who are natives of the town of Genoa, are gratuitously received, lodged, and fed, in the poor hospital, as far as the means of that establishment will go. The poor of the other parts of the duchy are also received there on payment of a small allowance.

6. There are two large hospitals in Genoa, one for the treatment of acute disorders, the other for the incurables and insane. Another lunatic asylum has been just begun, and there is a small establishment in the suburbs for leprosy and other diseases of the skin.

7. The “Conservatoire des Sœurs de St. Joseph,” and a charitable institution, called “Notre Dame de la Providence,” furnish in pursuance of their rules, medical and surgical advice, and remedies to the poor who do not publicly solicit relief [pauvres honteux].

8. Poor lying-in women, born in the town, or domiciled there for the three previous years, are received and nursed gratuitously in the great hospital, called “de Pammatone.”

9. The same hospital receives illegitimate and deserted children, if secretly placed on the turning box. The hospital takes the charge of the boys until 12 years old, and of the girls until their marriage or death. Ten poor lunatics and idiots, natives of Genoa, are gratuitously received in the hospital for the incurables and insane. Those of the other parts of the duchy, and those who are not poor, are also received there, on paying a sum proportionate to the sort of food given to them.

[20] The population of Genoa exceeds 80,000.

SAVOY.

1. Mendicity is very common in the environs of Chambery and the Haute Tarentaise. In the other provinces it is not more extensive than in Florence, and much less so than in Italy. In 1789, the total number of mendicants was 3688. Under the French dominion it rose to 4360. Since that time it has much diminished, partly from the diminution of the public taxes, and partly from the discontinuance of the sales of property which were enforced by the French treasury against the relations of refractory conscripts, and by Genoese creditors against their debtors. It cannot now be estimated at more than 2500.

2. Vagrant mendicity being prohibited by law, beggars have no right to relief. The town of Chambery contains a depôt de mendicité, in which 100 paupers are endeavoured to be kept to work.

3. The duchy possesses nearly 250 charitable establishments, possessing funds distinct to the relief of the poor of the place in which they are situated. Their resources are very far from being sufficient for that purpose, especially in years of bad harvests. But poor families are assisted by their neighbours, their relations, the clergy, and other charitable persons in their parishes. This relief is distributed in the town of Chambery, according to a simple and excellent system. The poor are divided into 24 districts, each confided to a committee consisting of three ladies of charity (dames de charité), belonging in general to the highest class of society. Each committee seeks out, registers, and superintends the poor of its district, gives secret assistance to those families who would be disgraced by the publicity of their situation, and withdraws relief from the unworthy. The resources of the dames de charité consist only of one tenth of the price of the theatrical tickets, of the great public collections (quêtes) made at Easter and Christmas, and of some secret gifts from individuals. If this establishment were rich enough to provide employment for indigent families at their own homes, it would be far superior to all other charitable institutions.

We have as yet spoken of the relief given to those who have no plea beyond that of mere poverty. For those who have some other claim there are several institutions. The Hospice de Charité of Chambery receives 171 persons, consisting of orphans, infirm persons, and old men. The “Asyle de St. Benoit” in the same town is destined to the old of both sexes who once were in easy circumstances; and the Orphan House educates young girls without fortune belonging to the middling classes, in such a manner as to enable them to earn an independent subsistence.

4. The Duchy of Savoy now possesses a great number of gratuitous religious schools, receiving, among others, the children of the poor. At Chambery the two schools de la Doctrine and de St. Joseph provide education for more than 700 children of both sexes, four-fifths of whom could not pay for it.

5. There is no Mont-de-Piété in Savoy.

6. Chambery contains a hospital with 80 beds, all constantly occupied. There are also institutions for the relief of those suffering under incurable or contagious disease, and for sick travellers. There are also hospitals for the sick at Annecy, Thonon, St. Jean-de-Maurienne, Montmelian, Moûtiers, Yenne, la Roche, la Motte-Servolex, and Thônes.

7. Many establishments of sisters of charity have been founded, either by parishes, or by opulent individuals, for the relief of the sick at their own homes. But with respect to the poorest classes it has been necessary to abandon this kind of relief, as they either neglected to use the remedies supplied to them, or used them with fatal imprudence. It can safely be bestowed on those only whose situation is raised above actual poverty.

8. Lying-in women, married or unmarried, are received at Chambery in the Hospice de Maternité.

9. In Chambery, and in Thonon, the greater part of the illegitimate children, whatever be the circumstances of their parents, are taken, the first night after their birth, to the foundling hospitals, which receive them, though clandestinely deposited. Those born in the distant provinces are generally brought up by their mothers, and partake their fortune, or their poverty.

10. At some distance from Chambery a hospital has been established, intended for the gratuitous reception of 60 lunatics. But as yet it has had room for only 20. The others are at the charge of their parishes.

The class of day labourers, such as it exists in England, is not at all numerous in Savoy, almost all the population consisting of proprietors. Out of 102,000 families in the Duchy, 85,000 heads of families are owners of some portion of land; 80,000 of them subsist by agriculture. There is therefore little employment for day labourers. According to the enumerations of 1789 and 1801 the number of persons, including both sexes, and artisans, as well as agriculturists, employed in day labour in that part of Savoy, which formed after 1789 the departement de Mont Blanc, did not exceed from 9000 to 10,000 individuals, which would make for the whole Duchy more than from 14,000 to 15,000 such individuals. The day labourers in general hire, from a small proprietor, part of a cottage, and half an acre, or an acre of land, at the rent of from 60 to 100 francs, which they work out. Saving is a thing almost unknown in Savoy. With the rich people and with the poor, from the gentleman to the peasant, it is unusual and even strange to put a revenue to any other use than that of spending it. A few men of business, and usurers, are the only persons who think of augmenting their patrimonies. Sometimes indeed a merchant or a manufacturer will economise something from his profits, but with no other object than that of procuring a country-house, which from that time swallows up all that he can spare.

The poor never apply for relief to the authorities, but always to private charity; and it is inexhaustible, for (except during the famine of the year 1817) no one has ever perished from want. Vagrants are forced to return to their parishes, or, if foreigners, driven out of the country.

VENICE.

Population about 112,000.

Mr. Money’s Report from Venice is so concise that we insert the whole (pp. 663, 634). We cannot perfectly reconcile the statement at the beginning, that there is no compulsory legal provision for the poor; and that at the end, that every commune is bound to support the poor and indigent within its limits. Perhaps Mr. Money uses the word “bound” in a moral, not a legal sense.

1. Is there any compulsory legal provision for the poor in Venice?—None.

2. In what manner are the funds arising from voluntary donations collected in Venice?—There is a commission of public charity, composed of the laity of the first rank and consideration in Venice, at the head of which is the patriarch.

All sums destined for the relief of the poor and the indigent, from whatever source, are placed at the disposal of this commission.

These funds arise from bequests, which are numerous, from voluntary contributions, from collections made by lay associations in each of the 30 parishes, which hold their meetings either at the church or at the house of the priest; sometimes from the produce of a lottery; and by a singular contrivance of the late patriarch, to render an old custom of complimentary visits on New Year’s-day contributory to the purposes of charity, he had it announced, that all who would subscribe to the funds of the commission of public charity should have their names published, and be exempted from the costly ceremony above adverted to.

3. By what authority are they distributed?—By that of the same commission, which receives the reports of the state of the poor in the several parishes, and particularly inquires into the circumstances of every case.

4. What constitutes a claim to relief, and how is that claim investigated?—Among the lower classes, extreme poverty without the means of obtaining subsistence, or incapability from age or sickness to labour for it. This is certified by the parish priest to the association mentioned in answer to query No. 2, which makes itself acquainted with every case of distress. But there is great distress to be relieved among those who once constituted the higher classes of society, but whose families, since the fall of the Republic, have, from various causes, fallen into decay; these make their application direct to the commission, and are relieved according to their necessities and the state of their funds. 5. What is the amount of relief usually given in each case, and for what length of time is it usually continued?—The amount of relief given, according to the class and circumstances of the distressed, is from 10 cents. to 65 cents. per head per day (or from 3s. 4d. to 5s. 4d. sterling.)—[Sic in orig.]

These alms are continued as long as the parish priest certifies the need of those of the lower classes, or the commission, through its inquiries, are satisfied of the necessities of the others.

6. Is relief given by taking the poor into almshouses or houses of industry, or by giving them relief at home; and in the latter case, is it given in money or in food and clothing?—There are no almshouses in Venice, but there are houses of industry, where work of various descriptions is provided for those who are able to work. Relief is given to many at home, but to most upon their personal appearance before some of the members of the commission.

In winter, relief is afforded by the commission, both in food and clothing.

7. What is the number of persons in Venice usually receiving relief, and what is the least and greatest number known during the last 10 years?—The number usually receiving relief, and which is the least number during the last 10 years, is about 47,000; the greatest number in the last 10 years was about 50,000. The last year 42,705[21] received relief, either at home or by personal application to the commission, and the number in houses of industry and hospitals was 4667.

8. Is there much difficulty in procuring sufficient funds for the support of the poor in times of distress, or is the supply so large as at all to diminish the industry and providence of the working classes?—It has been found impossible to procure sufficient funds for the support of the poor at Venice, and there never was so large a supply as at all to diminish the industry and providence of the working classes. When the funds prove insufficient, the commune contribute, and after their contributions, whatever is deficient is supplied by the Government.

9. Do cases of death by starvation ever occur?—Do the poorer classes afford much assistance to one another in time of sickness or want of employment?—Cases of death by starvation never occur. Even during the great distress caused by the blockade in 1813, and the famine in 1817, no occurrence of this kind was known. In fact, the more urgent the circumstances are, the more abundant are the subscriptions and donations.

The poorer classes are remarkable for their kindness to each other in times of sickness and need. Many instances of this have fallen under my own observation.

10. Is there a foundling hospital at Venice, and if so, what is the number of infants annually admitted into it?—There is a foundling hospital in Venice, which was instituted in 1346, and the number received into it annually is between 400 and 500. I have known seven found in the receptacle in one morning.

Each child is immediately given to a wet nurse; at the end of seven or eight days it is vaccinated, and sent to nurse in the country.

11. Do members of the same family, among the poorer classes in general, show much disposition to assist one another in distress, sickness, or old age?—There is much family affection in all classes of the Venetians, and in sickness, distress, and old age, among the poorer classes, they show every disposition to assist and relieve each other.

The clergy, who have great influence over the lower classes, exert themselves much to cultivate the good feeling which subsists among them towards one another.

12. Have you any other observations to make on the relief afforded to the poor at Venice?—Besides the voluntary contributions and the assistance of the commune and the Government, the several charitable institutions (of which there are no less than 10) in this city, have annual incomes derivable from various bequests in land and other property, amounting to 483,000 Austrian livres (or 16,000l. sterling). Last year the commune contributed 359,000 Austrian livres (or 11,970l. sterling) and the Government 460,000 Austrian livres (or 15,330l. sterling). The Government contributes annually for the foundlings and the insane of the eight Venetian provinces, 1,000,000 of Austrian livres (33,000l. sterling). I should remark, that among other resources which the commission of public charity have at their command, is a tax upon the theatres and other places of public amusement.

The total expenditure of the commission of public charity may be taken approximately at 3,000,000 of Austrian livres, or 100,000l. sterling annually, for the city of Venice alone, which is now declared to contain a population of 112,000.

Mendicity is not permitted in the streets of Venice, and although distress does force mendicants to appear when they can escape the vigilance of the police, yet I do not believe that 20 beggars are to be met with in this large and populous city.

The poor in every parish in Venice have the benefit of a physician, a surgeon and medicines gratis; the expense of these is paid by the commune.

Every commune in the Venetian provinces is bound to support the poor and the indigent within its limits, whether they be natives of the commune or not. No commune or parish can remove from it a pauper, because he may have been born in another. Ten years’ residence entitles a man to a settlement in a different parish from that of his birth. When a commune to which a pauper does not belong affords him relief, it is always reimbursed by his own parish.

Every commune derives funds from local taxes; the communes of towns from taxes on certain articles of consumption; the communes in the country, where articles of consumption are not taxed, from an addition to the capitation tax, which is levied by the State, but all communes have, more or less, sources of revenue from land, houses, and charitable bequests, which are very frequent in these states.

The number of foundlings at present in the country under the age of 12 years is 2300. After that age the child is transferred from the family who have the charge of it, and apprenticed to learn some craft or trade, or servitude; but so kind-hearted are the people in the Venetian provinces, that in numerous instances, from attachment to the child which they have reared, they have begged, when the time arrived for its removal, to be allowed to keep it as their own.

Venice, March 24, 1834.

[21] This amounts to nearly one-half of the supposed population.

PORTUGAL AND ITS DEPENDENCIES.

The information from Portugal and its dependencies consists of answers from Oporto, the Azores and the Canary Islands, to the Commissioners’ questions. The following extracts show the general state of these countries. (pp. 642, 643, 644, 645, 647, 686, 687.)

PORTUGAL.

Although poverty prevails to a great extent in Portugal, still the frugal habits and very limited wants and desires of the lower classes of the population in the northern provinces prevent mendicity from showing itself in those offensive and distressing forms which it assumes in many other countries. The very limited provision which has been made for the poor by the Government, or by public regulation, throws them on their own resources, and makes them careful and provident. Although, during the late siege of Oporto, we issued at one period gratuitously, from a soup society, upwards of 6,000 rations of soup each day, the number of absolute mendicants who were relieved fell greatly short of 1,000. The remainder of the applicants were principally families reduced to distress by the circumstances of the times, who withdrew their claims as soon as the termination of the blockade opened to them other resources and means of support.

Persons destitute of resources, who may be travelling in search of work or otherwise, can claim no pecuniary relief; but the different religious establishments are in the habit of affording a temporary asylum and succour to strangers. There are also houses of refuge for the poor, called “Misericordias,” at various places, which are supported by royal gifts, bequests by will, and private donations.

None but the military can be billeted on private houses; and even this right is now contested by the camara (municipality) of Oporto, as contrary to the constitutional charter. Nor are there any houses of industry for receiving destitute able-bodied, or their families, except at Lisbon, where I understand there are royal manufactories in which the poor are employed, as well as at a rope-walk called the Cordoario. The different religious establishments are, as I have already observed, in the habit of affording pecuniary relief, as well as of giving food and medical aid to the destitute of every description; but the political changes, by suppressing some and diminishing the resources of all these establishments, must have greatly reduced this description of charity.

In most towns and large villages there are schools to which the poor may send their children free of expense; but they receive neither food nor clothing, and the instruction is extremely limited. The masters are allowed a small stipend by the Government.

Relatives are forced to aid each other, in the degrees of father, mother, child, brother and sister, in cases of want: for persons impotent through age, there are houses of charity, called “Recolhimentos,” in most cities and considerable towns, where a limited number of aged or infirm poor of both sexes are lodged, clothed, and fed. These establishments are supported in part by royal gifts, and in part by the different municipalities; but no provision is made for the attendance of the sick poor at their own dwellings, nor are they in any case boarded with individuals, or billeted on private houses; but if they have relatives in the degrees above-mentioned, these are bound to assist them, if able to do so.

There are public hospitals in most cities and towns, where the sick poor are received and treated gratis. There are also lying-in hospitals, which receive pregnant women (without inquiring as to their being married or not) without any charge; but I am not aware of the existence of any regulation which obliges the medical officers of these establishments to deliver women at their own dwellings, although this is frequently done voluntarily.

Children.

A law or decree, issued in 1772, imposes equally on both parents the duty of maintaining their children, whether legitimate or illegitimate, where they have the means of doing so; and the parentage in the latter case, if the father can be ascertained or is acknowledged. Brothers and sisters are equally bound to assist each other.

But in cases where the parents either have not the means or want inclination to support their illegitimate child, a ready resource is offered by the “Casas dos Expostos” which exist in most towns. These establishments for foundlings are provided with rodas, or revolving boxes, into which the infant is placed, and is received without inquiry. The practice of thus abandoning infants to be reared by public charity, prevails, I am assured, to a painful extent in Portugal.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

At Lisbon there is, I understand, an establishment for the reception of the deaf and dumb.

Idiots and Lunatics.

At Lisbon there is an establishment for lunatics, called the Hospital of St. Joseph, where lunatics and idiots are received and supported gratuitously, if without means. Better treatment and greater comforts may be obtained for patients ably to pay for the same. This institution is partly supported by the Government, and partly by voluntary contributions, in the same manner as the misericordias in provincial towns.

It may be observed generally, that in Catholic countries, the care of administering to the wants, both physical and moral, of the poor, being left in a great degree to the clergy and religious establishments, the action of the civil government, as well as of private benevolence in their favour, is much less visible, and far more confined than in Protestant states.

Oporto, April 24, 1834.

The Azores.

Vagrants.

In the Azores mendicity is limited to the aged and infirm poor, and to the crippled and blind, for whom there is no legal provision; they are therefore dependent on the charity of the wealthy, to whom they make a weekly application and receive alms. There are no houses for their reception, or asylum of any description, but they obtain a distribution of victuals from the convents, of whatever surplus food remains after the friars and nuns have dined.

Vagrants are not allowed; such people are liable to be imprisoned, and on conviction may be shipped off to India, Angola, &c., or employed on public works, by decrees of the 16th May, 1641, 19th May, 1684, 4th March, 1688, 7th March, 1691, and 4th November, 1755. Those decrees, though severe, have had a good effect in exterminating vagrancy in the Azores. No relief is given to persons seeking work.

Destitute Able-bodied.

There are no laws for granting relief to the poor of any description, excepting the sick. Able-bodied men in want of work can always find employment on seeking it.

Public schools for teaching reading and writing are established in each municipal district, where the children of the poor are taught gratis. A small tribute on the wine produce of the country is levied for payment of these schools, called the Literary Subsidy, and public professors are paid out of it also, who teach Latin, grammar, rhetoric and philosophy to all who choose to attend.

The laws of Portugal oblige the proprietors of entailed property to give alimentary allowances to their children and brothers and sisters, in proportion to their own means and the wants of the applicants. Children coming into possession of property are obliged to assist their parents and brothers, if in necessity. The poor, however, are left to themselves, and to the stimulus of natural affection; and cases are very rare in which appeals are made in vain; but lawsuits are very common to oblige the rich heir of entailed property to give aliments to a brother or sister, as the elder brother takes the whole estate, and the younger branches are entirely dependent on him, if the father has not left money or unentailed property to distribute amongst his other children.

Sick.

In every municipal district there is a public hospital called the Misericordia, i.e. house of mercy, for the reception of the sick poor, supported by endowments of land and bequests of money from pious people long since deceased, and voluntary contributions of living persons, where the sick are well treated, and when cured are sent to their families, and if in great distress a small sum of money is given to assist them. These hospitals contain generally from 200 to 300 sick, and are, generally speaking, well conducted by the governors, stewards, medical attendants, and nurses. Foreign seamen are also admitted on the respective consuls paying 1s. 6d. per diem for diet and attendance.

In cases where the hospitals are full, and cannot accommodate any more patients, medicines are given to applicants, and surgical and medical advice gratis from the hospital practitioners.

Children.

Illegitimate.

The mother must support it in case she chooses to suckle the child herself; if, on the contrary, the sense of shame overcomes her maternal feelings, and she takes it to the misericordia, where there is a private place to receive the infant, it is immediately taken care of, and put out to nurse at the expense of the municipality until seven years of age, when it is apprenticed (if a male) to some trade or handicraft, or to a farmer; if a female to domestic service in some family, where it is fed and clothed until of an age to earn wages. In nine cases out of ten, the practice is to take the child to the misericordia, as pregnancy is more easily concealed here than in other countries, by the peculiar dress of the common class of women. The municipality are at the expense of maintenance of the children, and if their funds are scanty, the State pays the deficiency.

Orphans, Foundlings, and Deserted Children.

Orphans.—Various laws have been promulgated in favour of orphans, for whom the respective local magistrates were appointed judges and protectors, which duty now devolves on the justices of the peace. If any property belongs to them, proper guardians are appointed to take care of it, and to educate the children; if none, they are under the municipal protection until of age to be put to some trade or calling, service, &c., in cases where their relatives are unable to take charge of them.

Foundlings.—Foundlings are taken charge of and treated as orphans; there are several funds set apart for their support by express decrees of former sovereigns of Portugal; they are received into the misericordias, and supported by the chamber of municipality.

Deserted Children whose Parents are known.—Deserted children are also reputed as foundlings or orphans, and have similar care taken of them by the municipal authorities; the instances are extremely rare of children being deserted by their parents, which is justly held in abhorrence by all classes of persons.

Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, Blind, Idiots and Lunatics.

There are no establishments whatsoever of any kind; they live on the alms bestowed weekly by the benevolent.

In general there prevails much love and affection between parents and children, and from the children much obedience and respect towards their parents, to which they are exhorted by the clergy, who inculcate great subjection to their parents on all occasions.

The poorest able-bodied labourer abhors begging; his utmost exertions are therefore employed to support himself and family; and it is only in cases of sickness, or other corporeal impediment, that he ever has recourse to alms.

In the Island of St. Mary’s wheat and barley are chiefly cultivated, but little Indian corn; much waste land is to be seen, arising from the absence of the great proprietors, who live in St. Michael’s or at Lisbon.

At Terceira more wheat than Indian corn is to be seen under cultivation; much land lying waste from the want of capital or enterprise in the proprietors.

At St. George’s, being a volcanic soil, there are more vineyards and pasture land than arable.

Gracioza being flat in surface, and having a strong clay soil, much barley and wheat is grown, but little Indian corn; the poor subsist chiefly on barley-bread, pulse, &c.; it also produces much brandy from the low-priced wines.

Pico being very mountainous and volcanic, the whole island is one continued vineyard; little soil for corn; the inhabitants depend upon the other islands for the supplies of bread.

Fayal, partly vineyard, the rest corn land and pasture: all the principal proprietors of Pico living at Fayal, the poor of Pico are chiefly supplied from thence by their landlords.

Corvo produces grain, &c., for its consumption only.

Flores: some wheat and Indian corn is exported from thence, also bacon and hams, as large quantities of hogs are bred in that island.

A great deal of land is still uncultivated throughout the Azores, so that no able-bodied labourer can want employment, and for two centuries to come there will be employment for the increasing population. The temperature of the climate, ranging from 55° to 76° of Fahrenheit, reducing the physical wants of man as to clothing, fuel, &c.; and the abundance of vegetables, fruits, &c., renders the poor man’s lot easier than in colder climates. In the hospitals there is no limit of rations to the sick patients; they have bread, meat, poultry, milk, &c., in abundance. The state of criminals in the prisons is however dreadful; they are not fed by government, and must die if not succoured by relatives, and the casual supply of bread sent them from the misericordia in cases of extreme need: this however is not obligatory on the part of the hospital. Criminals, after sentence to the galleys, are allowed a loaf of bread per day, but nothing more.

St. Michael’s, April 20, 1834.

Canary Islands.

Mendicity, Vagrants, Destitute Able-bodied, Impotent through Age.

Mendicity does prevail to a great extent in the Canary Islands. There is no legal provision whatever for the relief or support of the poor included in the denominations stated above; casual charity is the only resource; but as the natives for the most part remain in the places where they were born, there are very few who have not some relations and acquaintance, from whom they receive occasional assistance. From the nature of the climate, the wants of the poor, when not suffering from sickness, are very limited; having food sufficient to satisfy their hunger, they are scarcely affected by the privations so sensibly felt by the poor in northern climates. “Goffro,” (which is maize, barley or wheat, roasted, and ground by the hand between two stones,) mixed with water or milk, potatoes and other vegetables, with sometimes a small piece of salt fish, constitute the general food of the peasantry throughout the islands. In the towns the artisans live better, obtaining bread, potatoes, salt fish, and sometimes butcher’s meat.

Sick.

In Santa Cruz there is one hospital for the poor, but the accommodation is very limited (24 beds), in no degree proportional to the wants of the population.

In the town of Laguna is one also, larger than Santa Cruz, and tolerably maintained.

At Las Palmas, the capital of the island of Canary, is the largest and best hospital in the islands; near that town also, is the hospital of St. Lazarus, exclusively for lepers, of which there are considerable numbers. This hospital is well kept up, and the building in a good state of repair, with a garden walled round. The unfortunate inmates are said to be comfortably provided for.

Children, Illegitimate; Orphans, Foundlings, Deserted Children.

There are no legal regulations as to illegitimate children; their support therefore falls on the mother. There is a foundling hospital at Laguna in Teneriffe, and another at Las Palmas in Canary; in each a turning-box, and a great number of children are by this means disposed of. In the hospital of Santa Cruz is also a turning-box; the infants left are understood to be sent to Laguna. Children placed in the box have usually some mark by which they may be recognised, and they are given up to parents when claimed. There is no other provision for children.

Cripples, Deaf, Dumb, and Blind.

Live with their parents or relations, or subsist by casual charity. No provision.

Idiots and Lunatics.

No particular establishment; live with their relations. When violent, they are placed in the hospitals or gaols.

Almost all the land in the Canary Islands is cultivated by agreement between the owners of the land and a class of persons called “medianeros” (middlemen), intelligent husbandmen; the conditions are simple: that the medianero shall cultivate the land, and find half the seed, he retaining half the produce; the other half is delivered to the landlord in kind.

The peasantry are a robust and hardy race, laborious and frugal. There is a great deal of family affection among them. Considerable numbers emigrate to the Havannah and Puerto Rico ostensibly, but it is believed that they are taken to Caraccas and other American countries, once dependencies of the Spanish crown.

GREECE.

There are two sets of answers from Greece to the Commissioners’ questions. One a general one, by the Secretary of State for the Interior, the other from Patras, by Mr. Crowe, His Majesty’s Consul. It will be seen from the following extracts from the Government report, (pp. 665, 666, 667,) that there are scarcely any charitable institutions.

Vagrants.

Before the Revolution, two classes of vagrants existed in Greece; of these, one class consisted of those individuals who, having no property of their own, and being averse to labour, lived by robbery; the other class consisted of those persons who were indeed destitute, but refusing to labour, did not at the same time resort to robbery: the latter existed by the charity of their relations, and of other benevolent individuals, the former were constantly pursued by the Turkish police.

In two provinces only of the new Greek State, viz. Thravari in Acarnania, and Cloutzinas of Kalavryta, does systematic beggary exist; in these places, many persons mutilated their new-born children for the express purpose of exciting the compassion of the public; but neither before the Revolution, during the Revolution, nor even now, is there any public establishment for the relief of either of the above two classes of vagrants; and notwithstanding that during the Revolution the number of these vagrants increased it is now certain that their numbers have sensibly diminished and it is to be hoped that as soon as the municipalities are regularly established, all these individuals will be obliged to labour for their subsistence.

There exists no public institution or decree organizing the relief to be granted to the poor in Greece; neither did anything of the kind exist before the Revolution, although the country was formed into municipalities. It was feared that the Ottoman authorities would appropriate to themselves any resources which might be set apart for the poor. Charitable subscriptions were therefore the only means by which the poor, sick, &c. obtained relief.

Impotent through Age, and Sick.

No regulations ever existed on these heads. The aged who were destitute received, and still receive, assistance from the charitably disposed, and from the monasteries; but this assistance is voluntary, not obligatory.

With regard to hospitals, there are only two, one at Nauplia and one at Syra; the first is at present given up to the military service, and the second, belonging to the municipality of Syra, is maintained by a small duty levied on merchandize; the one at Nauplia was formerly supported in the same manner.

Children.

The support of bastards falls upon their fathers. With regard to foundlings, who are generally left clandestinely at the church doors, the local authorities take charge of them, and intrust them to nurses, whose expenses are defrayed by the government; benevolent individuals likewise frequently take charge of them, and bring them up at their own expense. The number of foundlings supported by the government barely exceeds forty throughout the whole State, by which it appears that depravity of morals in Greece is not great.

For the support of destitute orphans, an establishment (the Orphanotropheion) exists at Ægina, where many are brought up at the expense of the government, and are taught to read and write, and various trades. However, the nearest relations of the orphans generally consider it to be a religious duty to take care of them; so that, in consequence of this praiseworthy feeling, they are seldom left entirely destitute, unless they have no relations, or unless the latter have no means of assistance at their disposal. Moreover, there are numerous benevolent persons who are in the habit of taking orphans into their houses, and bringing them up at their own expense.

Labour hitherto has not much increased in Greece; the labourers are industrious, frugal, and attached to their relations.

I may add, that in consequence of the vast extent of land in Greece in comparison with the number of its inhabitants, the latter apply themselves mostly to agriculture and the care of flocks, by which means they procure ample means of subsistence; and the few manufactures which exist in Greece being all made by hand, sufficient employment is to be procured by every individual. These are the reasons why the number of the poor is so limited, notwithstanding that late events were so much opposed to the progress of arts and industry.

EUROPEAN TURKEY.

The only remaining portion of Europe which has furnished answers to the Commissioners’ questions is European Turkey; with respect to which it may be enough to say, that the only charitable institutions mentioned in the return are religious establishments and khans, in which vagrants are allowed to remain a few days, and receive food; and schools attached to the mosques, in which children of every description receive gratuitous instruction in reading and writing.

ABSENCE OF SURPLUS POPULATION.

General absence, in the countries not subject to compulsory relief, of a surplus population.

One of the most striking circumstances connected with the countries which we have last considered is the accuracy with which the population seems to be regulated with reference to the demand for labour. In the ill-administered parts of England there is in general no approach to any such regulation. That sort of population which, from our familiarity with it, has acquired the technical name of a surplus population, not only continues stagnant in places where its services are no longer required, but often springs up and increases without any increase of the means of profitable employment. The parochial returns, forming part B. of this Appendix, are full of complaints of a want of labourers in one parish, and of an over-supply in another; without any tendency of the redundancy to supply the deficiency. In time, of course, the deficient parish is filled up by natural increase; but in the mean time the population of the redundant parish does not seem to diminish. In general, indeed, it goes on increasing with unchecked rapidity, until, in the worst administered portions of the kingdom, a state of things has arisen, of which the cure is so difficult, that nothing but the certainty of absolute and almost immediate ruin from its increase, or even from its continuance, would have induced the proprietors to encounter the dangers of the remedy. Nothing like this, indeed, exists in any of the countries affording compulsory relief, except Berne, which have given us returns. But they provide against its occurrence, as we have already observed, by subjecting the labouring classes, indeed all classes except the opulent, to strict regulation and control, by restraining their marriages, forcing them to take service, and prohibiting their change of abode unless they have the consent of the commune in which they wish to settle. By a vigilant exertion of these means, the population of the north of Europe and Germany seems in general to be proportioned to the means of employment and subsistence; but in the countries which have not adopted the compulsory system the same results are produced without interference or restriction. Complaints are often made in the different returns of the idleness, the drunkenness, and the improvidence of the labouring classes, but never of their disproportionate number.

Condition of the labouring classes.

Another and a very interesting portion of the information which the intelligence and industry of His Majesty’s foreign Ministers and Consuls have enabled us to submit to the public, consists of the answers to the questions respecting labourers. In order to facilitate a comparison between the state of the English and foreign populations, the questions proposed were in general the same as had been already answered in England, either by the population returns, or by the returns to the questions circulated in England by the Poor Law Commissioners.

The following questions, being 1, 3, 7, and 8, correspond to the English questions 8, 10, 13, and 14, of the rural queries:—

1. (8 of English questions.) What is the general amount of the wages of an able-bodied male labourer, by the day, the week, the month, or the year, with and without provisions, in summer and in winter?

3. (10 of English questions.) What in the whole might an average labourer, obtaining an average amount of employment, both in day-work and in piece-work, expect to earn in a year, including harvest work, and the whole of all his advantages and means of living?

7. (13 of English questions.) What in the whole might a labourer’s wife and four children, aged 14, 11, 8, and 5 years respectively, (the eldest a boy), expect to earn in a year, obtaining, as in the former case, an average amount of employment?

8. (14 of English questions.) Could such a family subsist on the aggregate earnings of the father, mother, and children; and if so, on what food?

The following is a digest of the answers from all the agricultural parishes in England which have given returns to the corresponding questions circulated by the Poor Law Commissioners:—

Agricultural wages in England.

Q. 8. Weekly wages, with or without beer or cider, in summer and winter?

254 parishes give an average in summer, with beer or cider, of per week, 10s. 4¾d.

522 parishes give an average in summer, without beer or cider, of per week, 10s. 5½d.

200 parishes give an average in winter, with beer or cider, of per week, 9s. 2¼d.

544 parishes give an average in winter, without beer or cider, of per week, 9s. 11¾d.

Q. 10. What in the whole might an average labourer, obtaining an average amount of employment, both in day-work and piece-work, expect to earn in the year, including harvest work, and the value of all his other advantages and means of living, except parish relief?

Q. 13. What in the whole might a labourer’s wife and four children, aged 14, 11, 8, and 5 years respectively, (the eldest a boy,) expect to earn in the year, obtaining, as in the former case, an average amount of employment?

856 parishes give for the man, an average of | £27 | 17 | 10
668 parishes give for the wife and children an average of | 13 | 19 | 10
Average annual income of the family | £41 | 17 | 8

Subsistence of agricultural labourers in England.

Q. 14. Could such a family subsist on the aggregate earnings of the father, mother, and children; and if so, on what food?

Number of
Parishes
answering
Q. 14.

No. (simply).

Yes. (simply).

Barely,
or without
Meat.

With Meat.

Bedford | 15 | 1 | 3 | 0 | 11
Berks | 24 | 2 | 1 | 2 | 19
Bucks | 27 | 2 | 5 | 5 | 15
Cambridge | 33 | 2 | 11 | 3 | 17
Chester | 12 | 0 | 5 | 2 | 5
Cornwall | 24 | 0 | 1 | 2 | 21
Cumberland | 33 | 0 | 7 | 13 | 13
Derby | 7 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 5
Devon | 18 | 1 | 7 | 1 | 9
Dorset | 16 | 1 | 4 | 2 | 9
Durham | 30 | 0 | 6 | 4 | 20
Essex | 38 | 9 | 9 | 6 | 14
Gloucester | 19 | 0 | 7 | 5 | 7
Hereford | 16 | 2 | 1 | 5 | 8
Hertford | 16 | 0 | 2 | 6 | 8
Huntingdon | 9 | 2 | 0 | 1 | 6
Kent | 43 | 5 | 12 | 2 | 24
Lancaster | 14 | 0 | 8 | 1 | 5
Leicester | 14 | 0 | 6 | 3 | 5
Lincoln | 14 | 1 | 5 | 0 | 8
Middlesex | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2
Monmouth | 7 | 0 | 2 | 1 | 4
Norfolk | 27 | 2 | 8 | 0 | 17
Northampton | 14 | 0 | 2 | 1 | 11
Northumberland | 18 | 0 | 2 | 0 | 16
Nottingham | 19 | 0 | 7 | 1 | 11
Oxford | 21 | 0 | 8 | 3 | 10
Rutland | 4 | 0 | 3 | 0 | 1
Salop | 19 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 18
Somerset | 22 | 2 | 0 | 6 | 14
Southampton | 43 | 3 | 7 | 6 | 27
Stafford | 12 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 10
Suffolk | 26 | 4 | 9 | 3 | 10
Surrey | 20 | 0 | 5 | 2 | 13
Sussex | 68 | 21 | 18 | 7 | 22
Warwick | 31 | 1 | 4 | 4 | 22
Westmorland | 17 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 5
Wilts | 24 | 1 | 7 | 4 | 12
Worcester | 18 | 1 | 6 | 2 | 9
York | 65 | 4 | 16 | 17 | 28
(40) | | | | |
Total | 899 | 71 | 212 | 125 | 491

Wages and subsistence of foreign labourers.

We now add a digest of the foreign answers to the corresponding questions, and also to Question 6: “What can women and children under 16, earn per week in summer, in winter, and in harvest, and how employed?” a question as to which the English answers do not admit of tabular statement.

We have arranged the answers under seven heads: 1. Wages of artisans; 2. of agricultural labourers; 3. of labourers whom the author of the return appears not to have included in either of the other two classes; 4. of women; 5. of children; 6. of the labourer’s wife and four children; and 7. the food on which the supposed family could subsist, on their average annual earnings and means of living.

DIGEST OF FOREIGN ANSWERS

| ARTISANS, Per Day. | AGRICULTURISTS. | OTHER LABOURERS. | WOMEN. | CHILDREN. | WIFE and Four Children. | SUBSISTENCE.
AMERICA: | | | | | | |

MASSACHUSETTS, p. 683

First-rate, 2 to 3 dollars, others, 1½ dollars, 6s. 9d.; overseers, per year, 1500 to 3500 dollars.

Per day, in harvest, 1 to 1½ dollars; per month, with board and lodging, 14 to 18 dollars during summer and autumn (six months,) some all the year; others during the other six months, 10 to 12 dollars a month.

Per year, 250 to 300 dollars, i.e. 56l. 5s. to 67l. 10s.

At factories per week, 2½ to 5 dollars.

. . . .

. . . .

There are very few who do not eat meat, poultry, or fish twice or three times a day.

NEW YORK, p. 158 | Dollar and a half; one-fourth less in winter and dull times. | Per month, 1l. 10s. to 2l. 5s., with board, washing, and mending; per day, in harvest, 4s. 6d. with board | 3s. 6d. per day; 44l. per year. | Per day, 1s. 6d. to 3s. 6d. | Early enfranchised | The children quit their parents and shift for themselves. The wife may earn 1s. 6d. to 3s. 6d. a day. | A family united could subsist well on their aggregate earnings have tea, coffee, and meat twice a day.

MEXICO, p. 690

Double the wages of the agriculturists.

1s. to 1s. 4d. per day

. . . .

Enough for their support.

Enough for their support.

. . . .

Most certainly. The common food of working people in Mexico is maize or Indian corn, prepared either as porridge (atole,) or in thin cakes (tortillas,) and beans (frijoles,) like the white beans so much in use in France, with addition of chile, a speckle of the hot pepper, of which they eat enormous quantities by way of seasoning. In the town wheaten bread forms a part of the food of the lower classes, and meat occasionally.

CARTHAGENA DE COLUMBIA, p. 166 | . . . . | . . . . | Per day, town, 2s., country, 1s. to 1s. 6d.; in year, about 12l. | As servants, about one-third a man’s wages. | Under 16, as servants, about one-third a man’s wages. | Per year about 50l. (supposed to include a man’s wages, but even then apparently excessive.) | Very comfortably; chiefly on animal food.

VENEZUELA, p. 163

. . . .

Per day, 1s. 6d. with usual provisions.

. . . .

1s. 1½d. to 1s. 6d. per day.

Under sixteen 1s. 1½d. to 1s. 6d. per day.

15l. per year.

Maize cakes, with vegetables and fruit, form the chief aliments of the peon and his family; and they can with little difficulty subsist, if they choose to work, on their aggregate earnings.

MARANHAM, p. 693 | Per day, 1s. | Generally slaves; where hired they earn about 17s. a month, and food. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | The necessaries of life are few, and easily obtained.
BAHIA, p. 731 | 2s. per day; 25l. per year. | . . . . | . . . . | Women and children, nothing | . . . . | . . . .
URUGUAY, p. 723 | . . . . | Herdsmen, slaves, or guachos, 8 dollars a month, by the year. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | A family may subsist on the labour of the husband alone, and have a meal with meat three times a day.

HAYTI, p. 168

Per day, from 2s. 6d. to 3s.; per year, 38l.

Per day, 7d.; per year, 9l. 10s.

. . . .

As servants, from 10s. to 20s. a month.

. . . .

. . . .

A family can easily subsist on the earnings of their parents. Their food consists of what are termed “ground provisions,” i. e., plantains, sweet potatoes, and other vegetables and fruits, which if not raised by themselves are obtained at a cheap rate.

EUROPE:

NORWAY, p. 698

Per week, 5s. 4d. to 7s. 2d., with food and lodging and tools.

Per day, 3d. to 5½d., with food.

Per day, in or near Christiania, summer, 10½d.; winter, 8½d.; per year, 11l. 10s. 9d.

Per week, summer, and occasionally in winter, 3s. 6d.

Per week, above 14, and under 16, 17d.

Per year, about 6l. 4s. 3d.

Except in illness, it can subsist on its aggregate earnings. The labourers live on very simple food: salt herrings, oatmeal porridge, potatoes, coarse oatmeal bread, may-be twice a week a piece of bacon or salt beef, and along the coast, and the rivers and lakes, on fresh fish. Corn brandy is in general use.

SWEDEN: | | | | | | |

Stockholm (Mr. Bloomfield’s Return), p. 374

Per day, during nine months, 1s. 7d.; winter, indoors, 1s. 7d. nearly; outdoors, nothing.

Per day, skilled, 7d. to 8d., unskilled, 3d. to 4d.; average the year, about 11l.

. . . .

Per day, as agriculturists, in summer, 4d.

Per day, as agriculturists, in summer, 2d.

Per year, as agriculturists:

| £. | s.
Wife | 5 | 0
Boy of 14 | 2 | 10
Children of 11 and 8 | 1 | 0
| £8 | 10

As artisans:

| £. | s.
Wife | 8 | 0
Boy of 14 | 4 | 10
Children 11 and 8 | 2 | 0
| £14 | 10

It could subsist. The agriculturists in the southern provinces on potatoes and salt fish, in the northern, on porridge and rye bread; the artisans on better food than the agriculturists, with coffee, and occasionally fresh meat.

Count Forsell’s Statement, p. 380

The support of a cottager’s household, consisting of husband, wife, and three children, in the middle part of Sweden, costs yearly about 146⅔r.d., according to the prices of last year; the husband being occupied during the whole year, and his wife having enough to do with the care of her children, so that neither she nor her husband can calculate on any additional earnings.

The labourer receives 2½ barrels of rye, or in money 16r.d. 32sk.; 1 barrel of corn, 5r.d. 16sk.; half barrel of pease, 3r.d. 16sk.; half ditto of malt, 2r.d. 32sk.; 2 ditto potatoes, 2r.d.; 1½ lb. salt, 32sk.; 4 lbs. herrings, 2r.d. 16sk.; 1 lb. of butter, 4r.d. 16sk.; 3 lbs. of hops, 1r.d.; 1½ pint of sweet milk per day, 10r.d. 16sk.; 3 pints of sour milk during the summer, 4r.d. 16sk.; 9 gallons of bränvin (a kind of whiskey), 5r.d. 16sk.; lodging and fuel, 16r.d. 32sk.; annual wages in money, 44r.d.; earnest, 3r.d. 16sk.; contributions, 3r.d. 16sk.; sundries, 6r.d. 34sk.; total banco, 146r.d. 32sk. That is, on an average, 29r.d. 16sk. annually for every individual; and daily, 3sk. 10½rst.

On a gentleman’s estate in the neighbourhood of Stockholm, the following was given last year: Annual pay in money, 33r.d. 16sk.; ¼ barrel of wheat, 2r.d. 32sk.; 4 barrels of rye, 24r.d.; 2 barrels of corn, 9r.d. 16sk.; 2 ditto potatoes, 2r.d.; 10 heads of white cabbage, 32sk.; ½ barrel of herrings, 4r.d. 32sk.; 1 lb. salt, 21 sk.; 2 lbs. of meat, 2r.d.; 1 lb. of bacon, 2r.d. 32sk.; 1 lb. of hops, 16sk.; 2 pairs of shoes, 3r.d. 16sk.; sweet milk, 10r.d.; sundry expenses, 5r.d.; lodging, wood, earnest, taxes, 25r.d.; equal to 123r.d. 21sk. Were that sum divided among five persons, 25r.d. 29sk. would accrue to each; and daily, 3sk. 3rst.

The household of a cottager belonging to this estate, about 10 English miles from Stockholm, was bound, according to a written contract, for 10 years to perform the following labour for the estate or landowner; namely,

| r.d. | sk.
208 days’ work for a man, at 21sk. 6rst. | 93 | 8
40 ditto for a woman at 10sk. 8rst. | 8 | 42
14 journeys to Stockholm, 1r.d. | 14 | 0
To mow and get in 14 acres of meadow | 10 | 32
To cut down and carry home 5 sawn timbers | 2 | 32
Ditto ... ditto ... 4 fathoms of firewood | 5 | 16
Ditto ... ditto ... 100 pairs of stakes | 2 | 0
To put out fishing-lines | 3 | 0
To keep in order a portion of the main road | 2 | 0
Ditto ... ditto ... bye-road | 6 | 0
To spin for wages | 2 | 0
To gather berries | 0 | 32
Sundry accidental jobs | 3 | 0
Total r.d. banco | 143 | 18

In Stockholm, a poor mechanic’s household, consisting of husband, wife, and four children, can hardly be supported on less than 546r.d. banco annually, as follows:

| R.d.
Bread, meal, salad, potatoes and other vegetables | 120
Meat, butter, cheese, herrings and other fish | 176
Milk, beer, bränvin (or whiskey) | 26
Candles, coals, wood | 24
Clothes | 60
Rent and furniture | 50
Taxes, medicines, and sundries | 24
Total | R.d. 546

Hence will be seen that the master of such a family must earn daily, during the whole year, nearly 2r.d. banco, and consequently no masons, carpenters, smiths, &c. can be included in this class. If the husband, wife, or children are sick for any length of time, the state of such a family is far more deplorable than that of the agricultural peasantry of Sweden.

Note.—146⅔rds. = 11l. 1 lb. = 20 lbs. English. 1 dollar = 48 skillings. 1 skilling = 1½ farthing. A dollar therefore is worth 72 farthings, or 1s. 6d.

Gottenburgh (Consul’s Return), p. 386

Per day, 1s. 6d. to 2s.

Per day, 6d. to 9d.; per year, 7l. 13s. (Few such labourers).

Per day, 10d. to 1s.

In towns, per week, summer, 6s. to 9s.; winter, 4s. to 6s. (This seems too large).

Under 16, in harvest, per day, 2d. to 3d.

Per year, about 3l.

Yes; on the following food, viz., 11 bushels of rye, cost 1l. 5s.; 4¾ bushels of barley, 8s.; 4¾ ditto of peas, 5s.; 4¾ ditto of malt, 4s.; 9½ ditto of potatoes, 3s. 2d.; 19 lbs. of salt, 1s.; 75 lbs. of herrings, 3s. 6d.; 19 lbs. of butter, 6s. 6d.; 3 lbs. of hops, 1s.; 19 lbs. of stockfish, 2s. 3d.; 19 lbs. of pork, 4s. 6d.; half a cow, 15s.; about three pints of sweet milk daily, 15s. 2d.; and six pints of sour milk, in summer, daily, 6s. 6d.; 42 bottles of potatoe brandy, 8s. 3d.; lodging and wood, 1l. 5s.; taxes, 5s.; sundries, 10s. Wages, about 3l. 10s., or in the whole, say, 10l. 18s. 10d. The above statement applies to a small farmer; reduce it about one-third, and it may apply to a common (married) labourer in the country.

RUSSIA: | | | | | | |

General Return, p. 334

(No distinction of classes given). The pay of labourers varies in different parts of Russia. In Georgia, it is 3½d. per day, which is the lowest; in St. Petersburg, it is 1s. 3d. per day, which is the highest.

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

It would subsist. On rye bread, buck wheat, and sour cabbage soup, well seasoned with salt, and occasionally a little lard.

Archangel Return, p. 338

Summer, 10d., winter, 8d.; often doubled.

Summer, 8d., winter, 6d.; often doubled.

...

...

...

Per year, 10l. to 15l. (This is supposed to be the meaning of the answers to queries 6 and 7).

Decidedly yes. Their food consists of fish, rye bread, gruel, kvas, occasionally meat and turnips. A great deal of tea is also drunk by the peasants of this neighbourhood.

Per Year: 18l. to 30l.

Courland Return, p. 341

Per day, skilled, 3s. to 4s.; unskilled, 1s. 6d. to 2s.

Paid by land for subsistence.

Per day, summer, 1s.; winter, few pence less.

Per week, summer, 3s. 6d.; winter, 2s. 6d.

Per week, under 16, summer, 3s., winter 2s.

Per year, 30l. to 35l., (supposed to include man’s earnings).

They can subsist on the aggregate earnings, in most cases, however, but needy; on bread, potatoes, salted fish, &c., seldom beef.

DENMARK: | | | | | | |

Copenhagen Return, p. 267

One-third more than agriculturists.

Per day, 6d. to 8d. (with, in harvest, provisions of poor quality); per year, 15l. (Sunday nearly a day of work).

. . . .

Per day, 4d., all the year.

. . . .

Man, wife, and four children, working on the Sundays, about 12s. a week.

It is frequently done. The food wholesome rye bread, bad milk, cheese, shocking butter, coffee (as it is called), profusion of tobacco and snuff, and too much spirits, which are unfortunately cheap and very bad.

Elsinore Return, p. 296

No subdivision. Per day, summer, 9d. to 10d., or 6d. to 7d. with food: winter, 6d. to 7d., or 4d. to 5d. with food; per year, 12l. to 15l.

Summer, four months, 2s. 6d. to 3s. per week; winter, 8 months, 1s. 6d. to 2s. a week.

. . . .

Per year, about 6l.

With prudence and economy, which, however, are no characteristics of the peasantry of this country, I doubt not it might be done. Their principal food consists of rye bread, groats, potatoes, coffee, butter, cheese, and milk, in which articles a family consisting of man, wife, and three children, would expend about 15l. per annum in this neighbourhood; in other parts of the country they fare worse. Food is cheap.

Further statement, by Cons. Macgregor, p. 299

Per week, with food, 4s. 6d. to 6s. 9d.; without food, 11s. to 11s. 6d. In manufactories, per week, male, 4s. 6d. to 12s.; female, 4s. 6d. to 5s.; children above 14, 3s. 6d. to 4s., or under 14, 1s. 9d. to 2s. 3d.; ropemakers, 1s. 9d. to 2s. 3d. per day.

Per year, with food and lodging, males, 4l. to 5l.; females, 3l. 10s. to 3l. 15s.; boys, 2l. 10s. to 3l. 15s.

Per day, in towns, 1s. to 1s. 6d. Agriculture, males, 6d. to 10d.; females, 5d. to 7d.; with food, one-half less.

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

HANSEATIC TOWNS: | | | | | | |

Bremen, p. 413

No subdivision. Per day, in the country, summer, 1s., winter, 9d.; per year, 17l. 10s. to 22l. In towns, about 25 per cent. higher; per year, 17l. 10s. to 25l.

Per day, country, summer, 6d.; winter, 4d., town, 4d.

Per week, from 12 to 16, in tobacco manufactories, 3s. 6d.

. . . .

Can very well support itself. They can subsist upon potatoes, beans, buck wheat or grits, and rye bread, and twice a week meat or bacon.

Lubeck, p. 415

Per week, 7s. to 14s., or if constantly employed, and with board and lodging, 2s. 4d. to 4s.; per year, 30l.

Per day, summer, 9d.; winter, 7d.; harvest, 1s. Per year, 12l.

Per day, in the town, 14d.; per year, 18l.

Town, 7d. a day; country, in harvest, 7d. a day.

. . . .

. . . .

Even comfortably, on the usual food of the poorer classes here, namely, coarse rye bread, potatoes, bacon, fat or dripping, milk, porridge made of peas, groats or peeled barley, herrings or other cheap fish, butter and lard, but very seldom meat. Greatest luxury, a cup of coffee in the morning.

MECKLENBURG, p. 422

Per week, in towns, 7s. to 10s. 6d., and free boarding. In the country, about two-thirds.

Per week, in country, 3s. 6d., a dwelling, garden, and pasture for a cow and two sheep in summer, and provender for them in winter.

Per week, in towns, 5s. 3d. to 7s.

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

Could subsist on good sound food, and occasionally meat.

DANTZIG, p. 465

Per day, summer, 13½d.; winter, 23d.

Per day, summer, 4⅔d. to 7d.; winter, 3½d. to 4⅔d., besides a dwelling, either free of, or at a small rent, pasture for a cow in summer, and a small load of hay in winter, and fuel.

Per day, summer, country, 8¼d. to 11¾d.; town, 8½d. to 16d. Winter, country, 4¾d. to 7d.; town, 7d. to 12d. Yearly, country, 8l. 10s. to 9l.; town, 10l. to 10l. 10s.

Per day, country, summer, 3½d. to 4⅔d.; winter, 2½d., to 3d. Towns, 4⅔d. to 7d.

Per day, from 12 to 16, country, 2⅓d. to 3d.; towns, about 2½d.

Per year, country, woman, 3l. 15s.; boy, 12 to 16, 3l. Towns, women, 4l. 10s.; boy, 12 to 16, 3l.

Very well; living in the country on rye bread, potatoes, and other vegetables, fruit, food of wheat, flour, lard, milk, meat once or twice weekly, and fish; but chiefly on rye bread and potatoes.

SAXONY, p. 481 | The average amount of wages is not more than 9d. a day. | A woman can earn on an average 3d. daily, a child, 1d. | . . . . | . . . . | Parents with four children, with management, abstemiousness and diligence, can earn their livelihood.

WURTEMBERG

(Mr. Wellesley’s Return), p. 510

Per week, in towns, 1 to 2½ fl., fed and lodged. In villages, 20kr. to 1 fl., fed and lodged.

Note.—1 fl. is equal to 60kr., or to 20d. sterling.

Per year, with food and lodging, in towns, 50 to 60 fl.; in villages, 20 to 40 fl.; without food and lodging, 150 fl., but with food and wood under market price in winter.

. . . .

Per week, 42 kr. to 1fl. 30 kr.; in manufactures, 1 fl. 40 kr. to 2 fl. 30 kr.

Per week, 20 to 40 kr.; in manufactures, 1 fl. 12 kr. to 2 fl.

Per year, from 40 to 50 fl. The children too much in school to earn much (supposed to include man’s wages.)

They could. In the morning, soup and potatoes and bread; dinner, vegetables or pudding; between dinner and supper, bread; supper, potatoes and milk or soup; once or twice a week, meat.

Government Return, p. 525

- A) A grown-up female—

- a) By spinning and ordinary knitting can seldom gain more than 4, 6, or 8 kr. daily; by finer knitting, embroidery, lace-making, and other such female work, which are paid by the piece, can seldom gain more than from 10 to 25 kr. one day with another.

- b) A sempstress receives, in the country, in small places, from 4 to 6 kr., in larger places and towns, from 12 to 15 kr.; in the capital, a dress-maker, an ironer, a plaiter, from 24, 36 to 48 kr. daily, besides board.

- c) A washerwoman or charwoman receives in the country only 8, 10, 12, 15 to 18 kr.; in the capital, 36 kr. daily, with board; or without board, from 1 fl. to 1 fl. 12 kr.

- d) A maid servant receives, in money and money’s worth, annually, besides board, in the country only 16, 18, 20, to 24 fl.; in the capital, 24, 30, 36 to 40 fl.; to which, according to circumstances, vails are to be added, especially in the capital.

- B) A male adult receives, namely—

- a) A journeyman workman—

- aa) In the country, with the shoemakers and tailors, 20, 24, to 30 kr.; with the bakers, 48 kr. to 1 fl.; with the smiths, 48 kr. to 1 fl. 12 kr.; with calendrers and tanners, 48 kr. to 2 fl. weekly, with board; a journeyman carpenter or bricklayer, from 30 to 36 kr. daily, with bread and something to drink.

- bb) In the capital, with board, from 1 fl. 12 kr. to 2 fl. 42 kr. weekly; without board, 36 kr. to 1fl. daily; on Sunday, nothing.

- b) A man servant receives, in the country, 20, 30, 36, to 40 fl.; in the capital, 50 to 60 fl. and more per annum, with board.

- c) A farmer’s labourer or other day labourer in the country, 12, 15, 18, 20, to 24 kr. daily, with board, or, instead of the latter, 10 or 12 kr. in money; in the capital, in winter, from 24 to 30 kr.; in summer, from 36 to 48 kr. for everything.

- d) A wood-cleaver can gain daily in all only from 20 to 24, and at the most, 30 kr.

All these rates of wages rise or fall according as the work requires more or less dexterity or exertion, as the individual workman is more or less distinguished by skill, strength, or diligence, as the scarcity and the supply of workmen is greater or less, as the days are longer or shorter, &c.

BAVARIA, p. 556 | . . . . | Good labourers, 8d. per day; generally provisions at harvest time. There are very few day labourers in the country. | In towns, from 8d. to 16d. a day. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
FRANKFORT, p. 567 | Per day, summer, 1s. 4d. to 1s. 6d.; winter, 2d. less; 2d. a day extra for drink-money. Per year, 14l. to 28l. | . . . . | Per day, 10d. to 1s. | Per day, 8d. to 1s. 4d. | Per day, under 16, 2d. to 4d. | . . . . | Yes. Meat twice a week; soup, vegetables, potatoes, bread, coffee and beer daily.

HOLLAND (General Return), p. 585

Not classified. From 150 to 225 florins, or from 12l. 10s. to 18l. 15s. a year.

. . . .

From 20 to 30 florins, (from 1l. 13s. 4d. to 2l. 10s.)

They could subsist thereon, and live upon bread, principally rye, cheese, potatoes, vegetables, beans and pork, buttermilk, with buck wheat, meal, &c.

Amsterdam Return, p. 586

Per day, summer, 1s. 6d. to 2s. 8d.; winter, 1s. 3d. to 2s. 8d. Shoemakers and tailors, from 8s. 4d. to 20s. per week.

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

Haarlem, p. 587 | Per week, summer, 4s. 4d. to 10s. 10d.; winter, one-fourth less. Weavers, from 10s. to 13s. 4d. | . . . . | . . . . | Per week, summer, 4s. 4d. to 5s.; winter, one-fourth less. | Per week, summer, 8d. to 3s.; winter, one-fourth less. | . . . . | . . . .
NORTH HOLLAND, p. 587 | Per week, 3s. 4d. to 15s.; firewood free. | Per year, 3l. 6s. 8d. to 8l. 6s. 8d., with board and lodging. | Per day, first class, 20d. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
Vriesland and Groningen, p. 587 | Per week, 2s. 6d. to 10s. | Per year, 3l. 6s. 8d. to 8l. 6s. 8d. with board and lodging. Per day, summer, 10d. to 20d.; winter, 8d. to 1s. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
BELGIUM: | | | | | | |
Boom, p. 634 | Per year, brickmakers, summer, 10l. 16s. 8d.; winter, 3l. 10s. 10½d.; total p’ year, 14l. 7s. 6½d. | Per year, farming labourers, summer, 4l. 14s. 6d.; winter, 1l. 19s. 4½d.; total, 6l. 13s. 10½d., with food. | Per week, waterman, 5s. 8¾d., with food. | Per week, in the brick manufacture, summer, 3s. 1½d. | Per week, under 16, summer, 2s. 9½d. | . . . . | Such family can subsist by their earnings only, bread, potatoes, and milk.

Ostend, p. 639

Per day, skilled, summer, 1s. 2d. to 1s. 5d.; winter, 10d. to 1s. 2d. Yearly, 20l. in a town. Unskilled, summer, 7d. to 1s.; winter, 5½d. to 8d.

Per day, summer, 1s.; winter, 10½d.; when boarded, 5½d. is deducted. Yearly, 14l.

. . . .

Per day, in towns, 10½d., with food, 1s. 5d. without. In the country, summer, 8½d., winter, 7½d., without food; summer, 4¼d., winter, 3½d., with food.

Per day, of 11, summer, 1½d. and food; winter nothing.

Yearly, women and two eldest children, food in summer, and from 6l. 8s. to 7l. 4s. in the year; the third child its food.

It can, in the towns, eating only potatoes and rye bread; the father being an unskilled artisan, and the towns possessing no manufacture. In the country, the same family would consume a little butter, some vegetables, and perhaps sometimes a piece of pork.

Gaesbeck pp. 7, 8

. . . .

Per day, summer and winter, 6d. with beer, and sometimes coffee and bread and butter, of the value of 1d. more. Occasional labourers, 1d. more.

. . . .

Per day, 6d. in summer, and 5d. in winter, without food.

Same as a woman.

. . . .

Rye bread, cheese, butter or fat, bacon, vegetables, coffee, and very weak beer.

FRANCE: | | | | | | |

Havre, p. 181

Labourers (not stated of what description) per day, town, 2s.; country, summer, 1s. 6d.; winter, 1s. 2d.

Per day, 10d. with food.

. . . .

. . . .

Families do subsist, and are respectable upon these earnings. Their food is bread, a few vegetables, and cider; never animal food, or very rarely. Coffee and treacle are also used.

Brittany, p. 726

Per day, summer and winter, 15d. per year 18l.

Per day, summer, 10d.; winter, 7d. per year, 11l.

. . . .

Per day, as artisans, 5d. to 7d.; as agriculturists, 3d.

Per day, as artisans, 2½d.; as agriculturists, during at other times very little.

Per year, as artisans, 10l.; as agriculturists, 8l.

Artisans.—Yes; bread and a small quantity of meat (perhaps 5 lbs. a week), vegetables and fish, which are very cheap. Agriculturists.—Yes; the principal articles of food are buck wheat made into porridge and cakes, barley bread, potatoes, cabbages, and about 6 lbs. of pork weekly. A little grease for the cabbage soup, which is poured on barley bread.

La Loire Inferieure, p. 176

Per day, summer and winter, 1s. 8d. to 2s. 6d. Per year 26l. 10s., in Nantes.

Per day, summer and winter, 7½d. to 10d. Per year, 12l. to 12l. 10s. If lodged and boarded, from 5l. to 8l. 6s. 8d.

Per day, summer and winter, 1s. ½d. to 1s. 3d. Per year, 13l.—s. 5d. to 15l. 12s. 6d. in Nantes.

Per day, summer and winter, 4d. to 8d. in the country, 6d. to 10d. in towns.

Per day, summer and winter, 3d. to 6d., under 16, in Nantes.

Per year, in Nantes, sometimes from 15l. to 16l. 13s. 4d.; in the country considerably less.

If the father obtains constant employment and applies the whole of his earnings to the support of his family, and his wife and children are enabled to add 200 or 300 francs thereto, he may have in his power to buy a little bacon or other meat now and then, and maintain his family without assistance from the bureau de bienfaisance, but that allows only 70 francs to provide fuel and clothes for the whole family, after the hire of a room. The bread and vegetables had been paid for out of the father’s wages.

Bourdeaux, p. 235

Per day, 1s. 7½d. to 2s. 5d.

Daily labourer, 1s. 4½d.

Yearly labourer:

Money | £17 | 0
Other advantages, | 4 | 12
Annual inc. | £21 | 12

. . . .

Per week, 3s. 4½d.; in harvest, 4s. 2½d.; in the vine districts, except during harvest, 2s. 10d.

Per year, 12l.

Certainly. The food varies in different districts. Throughout the district called Landes (heath) occupying alone one-third of this department, the food consists in rye bread, soup made of millet, cakes made of Indian corn, now and then some salt provision and vegetables, rarely if ever butchers’ meat; their drink water, which for the most part is stagnant.

Bayonne, p. 261

Per day, average workmen, 1s. 3d. to 1s. 6d.; best workmen, 2s. 6d. to 3s.

Per day, town and country, 1s. Very few in the country.

. . . .

. . . .

. . . .

The food of the proprietor or working farmer chiefly consists of vegetable soups, potatoes, salt fish, pork, bacon, &c., &c., seldom or ever butchers’ meat, and invariably Indian corn bread, home-baked.

Marseilles, p. 188

Labourers (of what description not stated) per day, 15d. to 18d.; by the year, 7l. to 8l., with board and lodging; 16l. to 20l. without board and lodging.

Per day, 7d. to 9d., all the year.

Per day, aged 11 and under 16, same as woman; under 11, nothing.

. . . .

They could subsist on the aggregate earnings of the father, mother, and children. Their food is generally composed of vegetables, bread, and farinaceous substances made into soup, &c.; and meat soup or bouillie probably once a week.

PIEDMONT, pp. 657, 658

From 1s. 8d. to 4s. 2d. The first sum forming the wages of a carpenter or mason, the second those of a clever goldsmith.

Per day, summer 10d. to 12d.; winter 6d. to 7½d.; intermediate seasons, 7½d. to 10d. Per Year, 8l. to 12l. The piece labourer obtains about 20 or 30 per cent. more than the day labourer. Almost every family earns from 1l. 13s. 4d. to 2l. 8s. 4d. by breeding silk- worms.

Something more than those of the country.

During eight months, 2s. 6d. a week; other four months (winter) 1s. 8d. per week, at most.

Per day, 5d. in silk-mills; little other employment.

Per year, inclusive of produce of silk-worms, rather less than 10l. to 12l.

I think it can, but on the simplest and coarsest food; no meat, little wine, and twice as much maize flour as wheat flour. And with all possible economy, if there has been a bad harvest, and consequently dear provisions, he must apply to the charity of his neighbours or of the inhabitants of his parish. If his character is good, he cannot fail of obtaining it.

GENOA, p. 660 | In fine manufactures, from 25l. to 28l. a year; in ordinary manufactures, from 16l. to 20l. a year. | . . . . | From 12l. to 14l. a year, without food. | A little. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
SAVOY, p. 661 | . . . . | Per day, 15d. in summer; 12d. or 10d. in winter, without food, or 6d. with food, and a pint of wine. | . . . . | One-third of a man’s earnings. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
PORTUGAL, p. 642 | . . . . | In the cultivation of the vine and in the vintage, from 1s. 6d. to 2s. 6d. per day, with food. | . . . . | In harvest, from 3½d. to 6d. per day, with coarse food. | . . . . | . . . . | Salt fish, vegetable soup with oil or lard, and bread made of maize.

THE AZORES, p. 645

Per day, skilful, 15d. to 20d.

Per day, 6d. to 8d.; or yearly, 6l. to 8l., with breakfast and dinner on certain occasions, such as harvest, vintage, hoeing corn, or cutting wood on the mountains.

. . . .

Children under 16; field to 5d. per day; boys from 10 to 14, 3d. to 4d. per day; boys from 7 to 10, 2d. to 3d. per day.

If employed for 250 days, 13l. 10s.

With the above earnings they may subsist pretty well with sufficiency of Indian corn, bread, vegetables, potatoes, and fruit; seldom any meat, but in the summer time fish, when abundant, such as mackerel, sardinhas, smelts, bonitas, abacore, and dolphin.

THE CANARY ISLANDS, p. 687 | Per Day, 3s. | Per day, 14d. to 18d. | . . . . | Per day, as sempstresses, at Santa Cruz, 6d. with food; 10d. without. | . . . . | . . . . | They are satisfied with the commonest food and their other wants are very limited from the nature of the climate.
GREECE, p. 666 (General Return) | Labourers not distinguished. Per day, 17d., without food; per year, 18l. 1s. 2d. | Children under 16, per week, 4s. 9½d. | . . . . | . . . .

PATRAS, p. 668

Per day, 1s. 6d. to 2s. 3d.

Per day, summer, 1s. 2½ d., winter, 11d. without food; per year, 12l.; with food and shoes, per month, 9s.

N.B. Only 248 working days.

. . . .

Children under 16, per day, in harvest, 6d.; something less in winter.

23l. (supposed to include the man’s wages.)

They do so, living temperately, as these persons almost all do, using both maize and wheaten bread olives, pulse, vegetables, salt fish, and occasionally meat on great festivals. Their usual drink is water, but the men take wine also moderately.

EUROPEAN TURKEY, p. 671

Near Towns: Skilled, per month, 1l. with provisions; 1l. 10s. without provisions; unskilled summer, per month, 9s. with provisions; 1l. without provisions; winter, one-third less.

Distant from Towns, a little more than half. Common labourer, near towns, per year, about 18l.; in other districts, about 8l.

Wages of artisans, about double those of common labourers.

Per week, spinners and weavers, and in the field, 2s.

Under 16, apprenticed labourers and shepherds, about half as much as women.

Wife, 4l.; eldest child, 2l.; together 6l.; (the children under 14 being employed at home.)

Such a family can subsist on their aggregate earnings. Their food principally consists of bread, rice, greens, dried beans and peas, olives and onions, and meat about once a week.

English Statistics.

The answers to the following eight purely statistical questions may also be compared with the results respecting England and Wales, obtained by the Enumeration of 1831.

14. The proportion of annual deaths to the whole population?

15. The proportion of annual births to the whole population?

16. The proportion of annual marriages to the whole population?

17. The average number of children to a marriage?

18. Proportion of legitimate to illegitimate births?

19. The proportion of children that die before the end of their 1st year?

20. Proportion of children that die before the end of their 10th year?

21. Proportion of children that die before the end of their 18th year?

The average annual proportion, since 1820, of births and deaths, to the whole population of England and Wales, is thus stated by Mr. Rickman:

Deaths | 1 in 49[22]
Births | 1 in 28[23]

The average annual proportion during five years preceding 1831, of marriages to the whole population of England and Wales, is stated by Mr. Rickman to be 1 to 128[24].

The average annual proportion in England and Wales, during ten years preceding 1831, of births to marriages, to be 441 to 100[25].

The proportion in England and Wales, in the year 1830, of legitimate to illegitimate births, to be 19 to 1[26].

The proportion in England and Wales of deaths of persons under 1 year to the whole number of deaths during 18 years, ending in 1830, to be 778,803 out of 3,938,496, or 1 in 5¹⁄₁₇, or more nearly 1 in 5²⁄₃₅.

The proportion of deaths under the age of 10 years to be 1,524,937 out of 3,938,496, or 1 in 2⅗, or more nearly 1 in 2²⁹⁄₅₀.

The proportion of deaths under the age of 18 years to be 1,703,941 out of 3,938,496, or 1 in 2⅓, or more nearly 1 in 2⁵³⁄₁₇₀[27].

[22] Preface to Enumeration Abstract, p. 25.

[23] Ib., p. 44, 25.

[24] Ib., p. 34.

[25] Ib., p. 45.

[26] Preface to Enumeration Abstract, p. 44.

[27] Ib., p. 36.

The following is an Abstract of the Foreign Returns contained in this Appendix. Those marked thus (*) appear to have been derived from enumeration; the others to depend on estimation.

DIGEST OF ANSWERS.

PLACE.

Proportion of Annual
DEATHS
to the whole Population.

Proportion of Annual
BIRTHS
to the whole Population.

Proportion of Annual
MARRIAGES
to the whole Population.

Average Number of
CHILDREN
to a Marriage.

Proportion of
LEGITIMATE
to
ILLEGITIMATE
Births.

PROPORTION OF CHILDREN
That Die before they attain their

First Year. | Tenth Year. | Eighteenth Year.
AMERICA: | | | | | | | |
MASSACHUSETTS, p. 684 | About 1 in 40 | About ⅛ per cent. more than the deaths. | . . . . | 5 | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
BOSTON, p. 685 | 1 in 41⁷⁄₁₁*, ascertained by dividing the average population during 20 years, ending 1830, by the average deaths. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | Nearly 1 in 5* | ⁶¹¹⁄₁₄₇₆* | . . . .
NEW YORK, p. 159 | 1 in 30 | . . . . | . . . . | 5 | . . . . | 27 per cent. in the city*. | 49 per cent. in the city*. | 53 per cent. in the city*.
MEXICO, p. 691 | Not known; but the Population increases very slowly, and the average duration of life is short. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
CARTHAGENA DE COLOMBIA, p. 166 | Probably 6 to 8 per cent. | Probably 8 to 10 per cent. | . . . . | 4 to 5 | As 5 to 6 probably | Say one-half. | . . . . | . . . .
HAYTI, p. 166 | Not known, but supposed that births and deaths are about equal, and the Population stationary. | . . . . | 3 to 4 | Probably 1 to 1000 | Comparatively large proportion. | Comparatively large proportion. | . . . .
MARANHAM, p. 693 | 1 in 25 | 1 in 20 | Comparatively small | 5 | Proportion of illegitimates great. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
EUROPE: | | | | | | | |
NORWAY, p. 699 | 1 in 54* | 1 in 28* | 1 in 119* | . . . . | 14 to 1* | Under 5 years, rather more than 1 in 3*. | Under 10, nearly 1 in 2⁴⁄₇*. | Under 20, nearly 1 in 2⅜*.
SWEDEN: | | | | | | | |

General Return, p. 374

1 in 41½*

1 in 29*

1 in 117½*

3⁶⁄₁₀ to 4⅙

In 1749, 49 to 1
From 1775 to 1795, 27 to 1
— 1795 to 1800, 20 to 1
— 1800 to 1805, 17 to 1
— 1805 to 1810, 15 to 1
— 1810 to 1820, 14 to 1
— 1820 to 1825, 13³⁄₁₀ to 1
— 1825 to 1830, 16 to 1*.

1st year, legitimate, 1 in 6¹¹⁄₁₃; illegitimate, 1 in 3¹⁵⁄₁₇*.

¹³⁄₂₉ die before their 16th year*.

Gottenburg Return, p. 387 | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 1 in 40. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 1 in 30. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 1 in 131. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, about 4¹⁄₁₆. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 16 to 1. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 1 in 5. | Average of 5 years ending in 1830, 1 in 2¾. | . . . .

RUSSIA:

General Return, p. 334 | In the year 1831, 1 in 25⁹²⁄₁₀₀*. | In the year 1831, 1 in 23³⁶⁄₁₀₀*. | In the year 1831, 1 in 132*. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | One-half*. | . . . .

Archangel Return, p. 339

Annual average of 5 years, excluding 1831, (the cholera year), in which one-tenth of the population died, 1 in 45; average of 5 years, including the cholera year, 1 in 25*.

Average of 5 years, 1 in 24*.

Average of 5 years, 1 in 100*.

3 or 4.

Nearly 34 to 1*.

1 in 16⁸⁄₁₀*.

One-half*.

1 in 1⁸³⁄₁₀₀*.

Courland Return, p. 342 | In healthy times, 1 in 28⁵⁷⁄₁₀₀. | 1 in 26³⁄₁₀. | 1 in 100. | 4. | In town, 5 to 1; in country, above 20 to 1. | 1 in 8. | . . . . | . . . .
DENMARK, p. 297 | Average of 5 last years (3 unhealthy) 1 in 36*. Usual proportion, 1 in 40. | 1 in 34*. | 1 in 123*. | 3²⁷⁄₄₀*. | 9⁶⁶¹⁄₁₀₀₀ to 1*. | . . . . | 1 in 3⁵⁸¹⁄₁₀₀₀*. | . . . .
HAMBURGH, p. 394 | Within a small fraction, 1 in 29*. | Within a small fraction, 1 in 27*. | 1 in 75⁵⁄₁₀*. | About 2⅕*. | 4⅚ to 1*. | 1 in 6⁷²⁄₃₈₅*. | Rather more than 1 in 3*. | Rather less than 1 in 2½*.
BREMEN, p. 410 | From 1 in 43 to 1 in 40. | From 1 in 37 to 1 in 33. | About 1 in 124½. | About 4. | About 11 to 1. | About 1 in 4. | About 1 in 3. | . . . .
LUBECK, p. 419 | About 1 in 56. | About 1 in 53½. | 1 in 177. | 3⅓ to whole number of marriages, but of legitimates 2¹¹⁄₁₆ to each marriage. | Rather less than 6 to 1. | About 1 in 7. | About 1 in 3¾. | About 1 in 3⁵⁄₁₆.
MECKLENBURG, p. 423 | Nearly 1 in 46½*. | Nearly 1 in 27*. | 1 in 124*. | 4 | 9 to 1. | Before the 14th year, one fourth. | . . . .

DANTZIG, p. 466

Nearly 1 in 24½*, ascertained by dividing the population by the average deaths of 3 years, one of which was 1831, the cholera year.

Nearly 1 in 29*.

Nearly 1 in 134*.

. . . .

Nearly 6½ to 1*.

Rather more than 1 in 5.

About 1 in 2½.

Under 20, about 1 in 2⅓.

SAXONY, p. 479 | 1 in 34½. | 1 in 24⁸⁄₁₀. | 1 in 131⁸⁄₁₀. | . . . . | 7 to 1. | Rather more than one-half die under 14*. | . . . .

WURTEMBERG, p. 507

1 in 31¹¹⁄₃₇*.

1 in 27⅒*.

1 in 147*.

4³⁄₁₀*.

7⅒ to 1*.

34⅔ in 100*.

From 1 year to 7, 1 in 10*.

From 7 to 14, 1 in 45*.

FRANKFORT, p. 564 | 1 in 43½. | 1 in 48²⁄₁₀. | 1 in 188⁷⁄₁₀. | 5 to 6. | 6⁷⁄₁₀ to 1. | 1 in 6½*. | Under 6 years, 1 in 4⁶⁷⁄₂₅₄*. | Under 19, 1 in 3¹²⁶⁄₃₁₉*.
NORTH HOLLAND, p. 581 | In 1832, 1 in 30⁶⁄₁₀*. Nearly ¹⁄₁₅ of the deaths were of cholera. In Amsterdam 1 in 28¹⁴⁄₁₀₀*. | In 1832, 1 in 30⁷⁄₁₀*. | 1 in 122²⁄₁₀*. | 5⅒* | 15 to 1*. | Nearly 1 in 7⁸⁄₁₁*. | Nearly 1 in 4⁴⁄₁₀*. | Nearly 1 in 2¾*.
BELGIUM: | | | | | | | |
The following are the results of the official enumeration in 1830 | 1 in 43. | 1 in 30. | 1 in 144. | 4⁷²⁄₁₀₀ | . . . . | 1 in 4⁵¹⁄₁₀₀. | ³³⁄₈₀. | ¹⁷⁄₃₈.
Boom, p. 635 | 1 in 28⁵⁄₁₀*. | 1 in 36* | 1 in 95²⁄₁₀*. | . . . . | 21 to 1*. | 1 in 5*. | 1 in 4*. | 1 in 2⁴⁄₂₁*.
Ostend, p. 640 | 1 in 35⁴⁄₁₀*. | 1 in 31* | 1 in 146⁵⁄₁₀*. | 4⁷²⁄₁₀₀*. | 9 to 1*. | 1 in 5⁷⁄₁₀*. | 1 in 2⁴⁄₁₀*. | 45 per cent.*
FRANCE: | | | | | | | |
The following are the results of the official enumeration of 1831 | 1 in 39⁶⁄₁₀. | 1 in 32⁴⁄₁₀. | 1 in 131⁶⁄₁₀. | 4⁷⁄₁₀₀; legitimate 3⁷⁷⁷⁄₁₀₀₀. | 13¹⁶⁴⁄₁₀₀₀ to 1. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .
Havre, p. 182 | 1 in 34. | 1 in 25. | 1 in 110. | About 3 | About 9 to 1. | About 1 in 6. | About 1 in 3. | . . . .
Brittany, Lambezellec, (adjoining Brest; population 8460), p. 727 | 1 in 28*. | 1 in 22¹⁴⁄₁₀₀* | . . . . | In the whole province, 3*. | In the whole province, 8⁵⁄₁₀ to 1*. | Under 5 years, 1 in 2¹²⁄₄₄*. | Under 10 years, 1 in 2*. | Under 20 years, rather more than 1 in 2*.
Plousane (inland, population 2452) | 1 in 43*. | 1 in 35*. | . . . . | 3*. | . . . . | Under 5 years, 1 in 2⅜*. | . . . . | Under 20 years, 1 in 2⅓*.
Conquet (inland, population 1294) | 1 in 44⁵⁄₁₀*. | 1 in 30*. | . . . . | 3*. | . . . . | Under 5 years, 1 in 9⅔*. | . . . . | Under 20 years, 1 in 7¼*.
La Loire Inferieure (in 1832), p. 177 | 1 in 39*. | 1 in 34*. | 1 in 147*. | 3⅔ legitimate* | In Nantes, 8 to 1; in country, 12 to 1. | 1 in 6¹²⁄₁₉₇*. | 1 in 2¾*. | 1 in 2⁵⁄₁₄*.
Bourdeaux, p. 236 | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | 3*. | 18 to 1. | 1 in 7. | 1 in 4. | 1 in 3.
Basses Pyrenees, p. 260 | 1 in 50³⁰⁄₈₅*. | 1 in 38¹⁄₁₂*. | 1 in 165³⁵⁄₄₁*. | . . . . | 14½ to 1*. | Under 4 years, 1 in 2⁷⁄₁₂*. | Under 20 years, 1 in 1¾*.

Marseilles, p. 189

1 in 80*, in 1831

1 in 34*, in 1831

1 in 156*, in 1831

4½*.

Department, 9 to 1; Marseilles, 5 to 1*.

1 in 4⅓*.

1 in 2⅙*.

. . . .

THE AZORES, p. 643 | 1 in 48. | 1 in 19. | . . . . | 3 to 4. | About 7 to 1. | Nearly one-half. | . . . . | . . . .
GENOA, p. 660 | About 1 in 28⁴⁄₇. | About 1 in 20. | About 1 in 166. | . . . . | . . . . | About 1 in 4. | 45 per cent. | 48 per cent. die before the age of 16.
SAVOY, p. 662 | General average 1 in 42; but in some marshy districts 1 in 28; in some mountainous districts 1 in 52. | 1 in 29. | . . . . | 4½. | . . . . | . . . . | . . . . | . . . .

GREECE, p. 666

Nothing ascertained, but that the deaths are far fewer than the births: average number of children to a marriage 4: very few illegitimate.

. . . .

. . . .

EUROPEAN TURKEY, p. 672 | In healthy years about 1 in 50[28]. | About 1 in 31[28]. | About 1 in 66[28]. | 4. | Few illegitimate born, and few of those allowed to live. | About 1 in 5⁹⁄₁₀. | About 1 in 4. | About 1 in 3³⁄₁₀.

[28] These numbers cannot be correct.

Comparison between the state of the English and Foreign Labouring Classes.

On comparing these statements respecting the wages, subsistence, and mortality of those portions of Continental Europe which have furnished returns with the corresponding statements respecting England, it will be found, that on every point England stands in the most favourable, or nearly the most favourable, position. With respect to money wages, the superiority of the English agricultural labourer is very marked. It may be fairly said that his wages are nearly double the average of agricultural wages in the Continent. And as fuel is generally cheaper in England than in the Continent, and clothing is universally so, his relative advantage with respect to those important objects of consumption is still greater.

On the other hand, as food is dearer in England than in any other part of Europe, the English labourer, especially if he have a large family, necessarily loses on this part of his expenditure a part of the benefit of his higher wages, and, if the relative dearness of food were very great, might lose the whole. On comparing, however, the answers to the 14th English and 8th Foreign question, it appears probable, that even in this respect the English family has an advantage, though of course less than in any other. Of the 687 English parishes which have given an answer, from which the diet of the family can be inferred, 491, or about five-sevenths, state, that it could obtain meat; and of the 196 which give answers implying that it could not get meat, 43 are comprised in Essex and Sussex, two of the most pauperised districts in the kingdom. But in the foreign answers, meat is the exception instead of the rule. In the north of Europe the usual food seems to be potatoes and oatmeal, or rye bread, accompanied frequently by fish, but only occasionally by meat.

In Germany and Holland the principal food appears to be rye bread, vegetables, the produce of the dairy, and meat once or twice a week.

In Belgium, potatoes, rye bread, milk, butter and cheese, and occasionally pork.

The French returns almost exclude fresh meat, and indicate a small proportion of salted meat. Thus we are told, that in Havre they live on bread and vegetables; never animal food, or very rarely. In Brittany, on buck wheat, barley bread, potatoes, cabbages, and about 6 lbs. of pork weekly. In the Gironde, on rye bread, soup made of millet, Indian corn, now and then some salt provision, and vegetables, rarely if ever butcher’s meat. In the Basses Pyrenées, on vegetable soups, potatoes, salt fish, pork and bacon, seldom or ever butcher’s meat. In the Bouches du Rhone, on vegetables, bread, and farinaceous substances made into soup, and bouillie about once a week. Their food in Piedmont is said to be the simplest and coarsest; no meat, and twice as much maize flour as wheat flour. In Portugal, salt fish, vegetable soup, with oil or lard, and maize bread.

Further evidence as to the relative state of the bulk of the population of England is afforded by the ratio of its mortality.

The only countries in which the mortality appears to be so small as in England, are, Norway, in which it is ¹⁄₅₄, and the Basses Pyrenées, in which it is ¹⁄₅₆[29]. In all the other countries which have given returns it exceeds the English proportion, sometimes by doubling it, and in the majority of instances by more than one fourth.

A portion of our apparent superiority arises from the rapidity with which our population is increasing; but though the proportion of our births exceeds the average proportion of Europe, the difference as to births is small when compared with the difference as to deaths, and in a great part of the north of Europe and Germany the proportion of births is greater than our own, and therefore the longevity of the population still more inferior to that of England than it appears to be.

[29] We exclude Lubeck, the Azores, and European Turkey, as the Returns from them appear to be mere guesses.

London: Printed by William Clowes and Sons, Stamford-street.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STATEMENT OF THE PROVISION FOR THE POOR, AND OF THE CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF AMERICA AND EUROPE ***

Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will be renamed.

Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark license, especially commercial redistribution.

START: FULL LICENSE

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE

PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK

To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work (or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at www.gutenberg.org/license.

Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property (trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.

1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.

1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the United States and you are located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when you share it without charge with others.

1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any country other than the United States.

1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:

1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, copied or distributed:

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.

1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.

1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™.

1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project Gutenberg™ License.

1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website (www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.

1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.

1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works provided that:

- • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.”

- • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ works.

- • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of receipt of the work.

- • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works.

1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.

1.F.

1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGE.

1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further opportunities to fix the problem.

1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.

1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.

1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any Defect you cause.

Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™

Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from people in all walks of life.

Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org.

Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit 501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws.

The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact

Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations ($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt status with the IRS.

The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate.

While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who approach us with offers to donate.

International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.

Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate.

Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works

Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.

Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.

Most people start at our website which has the main PG search facility: www.gutenberg.org.

This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.

Table of Contents

STATEMENT OF THE PROVISION FOR THE POOR, AND THE CONDITION OF THE LABOURING CLASSES, IN A CONSIDERABLE PORTION OF AMERICA AND EUROPE.

QUESTIONS.

- Vagrants.

- Destitute Able-bodied.

- Impotent Through Age.

- Sick.

- Children:

- Illegitimate.

- Orphans, Foundlings, or Deserted Children.

- Cripples, Deaf and Dumb, and Blind.

- Idiots and Lunatics.

- Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

AMERICA.

EUROPE.

- NORWAY.

- SWEDEN.

- RUSSIA.

- DENMARK.

- MECKLENBURG.

- PRUSSIA.

- Destitute Able-bodied.

- Impotent through Age.

- Sick.

- Effects of the foregoing Institutions.

- SAXONY.

- WURTEMBERG.

- Of the Bailiwick Corporations.

- Of the Duty of the State.

- Amount of Relief to the Poor.

- Support and Employment of the Adult Poor.

- BAVARIA.

- CANTON DE BERNE.

Causes favourable to the working of the above institutions.

- HANSEATIC TOWNS.

- Hamburgh.

- Bremen.

- Lubeck.

- FRANKFORT ON THE MAIN.

- HOLLAND.

- OBSERVATIONS.

- Poor Colonies.

- BELGIUM AND FRANCE.

- French Poor Laws.

- BELGIUM.

- Monts-de-Piété.

- Mendicity.

- Foundlings.

- Antwerp.

- Ostend.

- Gaesbeck. (page 1.)

- Poor Colonies.

- FRANCE.

- Havre.

- Rouen.

- Britany.

- LOIRE INFERIEURE.

- GIRONDE.

- BASSES PYRENÉES.

- BOUCHES DU RHONE.

- SARDINIAN STATES.

- Piedmont.

- GENOA.

- SAVOY.

- VENICE.

- PORTUGAL AND ITS DEPENDENCIES.

- PORTUGAL.

- The Azores.

- Canary Islands.

- GREECE.

- Vagrants.

- Impotent through Age, and Sick.

- Children.

- EUROPEAN TURKEY.

ABSENCE OF SURPLUS POPULATION.

Condition of the labouring classes.

- Agricultural wages in England.

- Subsistence of agricultural labourers in England.

Wages and subsistence of foreign labourers.

- DIGEST OF FOREIGN ANSWERS

- DIGEST OF ANSWERS.

Comparison between the state of the English and Foreign Labouring Classes.

THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE