The Present State of Virginia
Date: 2009-06-06T00:00:00+00:00
Keywords: Indians of North America -- Virginia -- Early works to 1800; Slavery -- Virginia -- Early works to 1800; African Americans -- Virginia -- Early works to 1800; Virginia -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Present State of Virginia

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Title: The Present State of Virginia

Author: Hugh Jones

Release date: June 6, 2009 [eBook #29055]
Most recently updated: January 5, 2021

Language: English

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Sabin's Reprints.

No. V.

THE

PRESENT STATE

OF

VIRGINIA.

BY

HUGH JONES, A. M.

NEW YORK:
REPRINTED FOR JOSEPH SABIN.
1865.

Two Hundred Copies Printed.

No. 175 JS

ALVORD, PRINTER.

THE
PRESENT STATE
OF
VIRGINIA.

GIVING

A particular and short Account of the Indian, English, and Negroe Inhabitants of that Colony.

Shewing their Religion, Manners, Government, Trade, Way of Living, &c. with a Description of the Country.

From whence is inferred a short VIEW of

Maryland and North Carolina.

To which are added,

Schemes and Propositions for the better Promotion of Learning, Religion, Inventions, Manufactures, and Trade in Virginia, and the other Plantations.

For the Information of the Curious, and for the Service of such as are engaged in the Propagation of the Gospel and Advancement of Learning, and for the Use of all Persons concerned in the

Virginia Trade and Plantation.

Gen. ix. 27.

God shall enlarge Japheth, and he shall dwell in the Tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his Servant.

By HUGH JONES, A. M.

Chaplain to the Honourable Assembly, and lately Minister of James-Town, &c. in Virginia.

LONDON:

Printed for J. Clarke, at the Bible under the Royal-Exchange. M DCC XXIV.

THE CONTENTS.

The INTRODUCTION
Page i
PART I. Chap. I.
Of the Original of the Indians, Europeans, and Negroes. | 1
Chap. II.
Of the Government, Religion, Habits, Wars, Lives, Customs, &c. of the Indians of North America | 7
Of the French Settlements and Apelachian Mountains | 13
Of the Tramontane Order and Expedition, and of Christanna | 14
Of Indian Worship and Principles | 15
Of the Conversion of the Indians | 19

PART II. Chap. I.
Of the English Settlements in Virginia and Maryland | 21
Chap. II.
Of the Metropolis Williamsburgh, the College Capitol, Governor's House, and the Church, &c. | 25
Chap. III.
Of the Situation and Nature of the Country of Virginia, and its Coasts, &c. | 33
Chap. IV.

Of the Negroes, with the Planting and Management of Indian Corn and Tobacco, and of their Timber, Stock, Fruits, Provision, Habitations, &c.

36

Chap. V.

Of the Habits, Customs, Parts, Employments, Trade of the Virginians; and of the Weather, Coin, Sickness, Liquors, Servants, Poor, Pitch, Tar, Oar, &c.

43

Chap. VI.

Of Germanna, the Palatines, Wine, Hemp, Flax, Silk, Sumack, Trees, Fruits, Coals, Tracts of Land, Health, Militia, the Mannacan Town, Titles, Levies, Burgesses, Laws, and general Assembly

59

PART III.
Of the State of the Church and Clergy in Virginia | 65

PART IV.
Of Authors concerning Virginia, and its publick Officers, Guard-Ships, and the State of Maryland and North Carolina, &c. | 75

APPENDIX.
1. Scheme. Of Education in Virginia | 83
2. Scheme. Of Religion in Virginia | 95
3. Scheme. Of Arts, Projects, Inventions, and Manufactures in Virginia | 112
4. Scheme. Of Trade in Virginia, and the other Plantations | 138

INTRODUCTION.

Dedications and Prefaces, which are prefix'd to most Books, being regarded by few Readers, I think it best for my present Purpose briefly to mention in an Introduction, what I would have known concerning the Occasion, Nature, and Use of this Treatise, before I enter upon the main Work it self.

When I considered the great Benefit that arises to the Publick, from the large Colony of Virginia, I observed, that tho' it be thus advantageous, yet it is capable of great Improvements still, and requires several Alterations, both with Regard to its own Welfare, and the Interest of Great Britain. Observing moreover, that few People in England (even many concerned in publick Affairs of this kind) have correct Notions of the true State of the Plantations; and having been eagerly applied to frequently, by Persons of the greatest Figure, Experience, and Judgment in political and national Concerns, for Information concerning all the Circumstances of Virginia, I was requested to digest methodically, and publish, what I knew and thought of these Matters; and being in a great Measure injoined to it by a noble Patron, I have here complied with his Commands, with the best of my Knowledge and Judgment.

For want of better Information, many that are most willing, capable, or obliged to promote Religion, Learning, Arts and Trade in Virginia, are either at a Loss how to set about it rightly, or else having engaged themselves therein, have in a great Measure miscarried in their Attempts, because true and particular Accounts of it are very difficult to be obtained; and this Country is altered wonderfully, and far more advanced and improved in all Respects of late Years, since the beginning of Colonel Spotswood's Lieutenancy, than in the whole Century before his Government, which he may be esteemed to have discharged with a commendable, just, and prudent Administration; a prosperous Administration, glorious for himself, and advantageous both for the Crown and the Plantation; whilst he was Lieutenant Governor of that Colony; whilst that Colony was honoured with such an excellent Governor; whilst that Governor was happy in such a flourishing, large, and fertile Colony.

And as this Country has made such a considerable Progress, under the Management of the late Governor Spotswood; so have we all imaginable Prospect that it will in the same regular course proceed towards its greatest Perfection, under the Care and Conduct of the present Governor Colonel Drysdale.

The Scales of Justice are now fix'd there upon their true Balance, and the Course of Trade is nearly confined to its right Channel.

Arts, Sciences, Trades, and useful Inventions are now planted there in some Measure, and with due Cultivation may thrive wonderfully.

Providence has furnish'd this Province with all Necessaries of Life, and Industry may supply it with all Conveniences and Advantages, for Profit, Ease, and Pleasure.

The best Measures have been concerted and proposed, and Schemes have been nicely drawn for the Encouragement of useful Discoveries and laudable Undertakings, both for the Security and Benefit of the Publick.

And as in Blessings temporal, so in spiritual Concernments, might the Virginians abound, were the Attempts that have been, or may be, made for the due Regulation of the Church, as well as State, brought to Maturity: Were the Laws more plain and particular in Relation to Livings; so that the Labours of the Clergy might be rewarded with less Trouble and Ill-Will in their Preferment to Parishes, and collecting their Dues and Salaries; and were the Principles and Practice of Religion more firmly establish'd, which might easily be done without interfering with the Interest of the People, or Constitution of the Government; with but few Corrections and Alterations, and but little additional Expence.

More especially at this eminent Juncture of his Majesty's most Christian Goodness, in converting his Palace at Whitehall into a College of Preachers; and founding in the Universities Courts of Statesmen perfectly instructed in modern Languages and History.

For if at Home he has in this Respect, as well as others, excelled his Royal Predecessors, why may we not hope that his charitable Benefactions may likewise be extended Abroad to the Church and College of the most antient and loyal Colony of Virginia? Through the Means of such great and good Governors in Church, as his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, and his Lordship the Bishop of London; the first of which eminent Patrons of Religion and Learning is Chancellor of the College of William and Mary at Williamsburgh in Virginia; and to the other belongs the weighty Care and Charge of the Church and Clergy of all that and the other English Plantations.

Why may we not hope that the College founded and endowed there by King William and Queen Mary of ever blessed Memory, may partake of the royal Favours of our present most gracious Sovereign? Why may we not hope that the Church confirmed there in each Reign since Queen Elizabeth's, may be duly regulated by the pious Directions of his present Majesty?

These are Actions suitable to the Genius of our mighty Monarch: These are Undertakings worthy of the Negotiation of such pious and learned Bishops; to whose Consideration the following Sheets are in the most submissive Manner offered, humbly requesting their Lordship's Excuse for this presumptive Freedom; occasioned by the zealous Affection which I have for the Colony, which principally induced me to this Work, in order to vindicate the Place and People from undeserved Calumny, to make publick true Informations of them, to proclaim to the World their just Praises, and to prove as instrumental as possible in the Service of Religion, Learning, Arts, advantageous Undertakings, and the Trade of that Plantation; to do which, I think my self strictly obliged by Gratitude and Conscience.

There are several Books upon this Subject, but none descends to the present State and Circumstances of this Colony, nor proposes what Methods may seem most conducive to the Promotion of its best Interest in all Respects; but without particular Knowledge of these Things no useful Designs can be carried to the best Advantage, neither by the Government, Societies, Companies, nor by private Persons.

Wherefore I composed this as a Supplement to those other Books; treating herein for the most Part of such Heads, as are altogether omitted, or but slightly accounted for, or described by others.

For though some may have perfect Information and true Notions of these Things; yet the generality of Mankind are utter Strangers to what I here specify, and entertain commonly very erroneous and monstrous Thoughts concerning the Country, Lives, Religion and Government of the Virginians; so that there seemed a great Necessity for a Book of this kind; which I have made as plain and intelligible as I possibly could, and composed in the best Method that I could devise for the Service of the Plantations, more particularly Virginia, Maryland, and North Carolina, where I have been.

I have industriously avoided the ornamental Dress of Rhetorical Flourishes, esteeming them unfit for the naked Truth of historical Relations, and improper for the Purpose of general Propositions.

Besides its Truth and my real Design of publick Service, this mean Piece has little to recommend it to the Approbation of Mankind, and to introduce it to a candid Reception in the World. Nevertheless I venture to present it with the greatest Submission to the Candour of the Reader, with Hopes that it may meet with a kind Acceptance; humbly requesting the following Favours of the Readers, viz.

That they would be pleased to excuse and correct the Errors of the Press.

That if any material Alterations have happened to be made that I know not of, since I left Virginia (which is above two Years) they will give favourable Allowances for my Accounts of such Things, and not censure me as if I endeavoured to impose Falshoods upon the World; and I hope the same will be granted for any trivial Mistakes which I may have made through Forgetfulness, or for want of Opportunity of Consultation and Advice in any small circumstantial Point, or in any proper Name.

And lastly, since Improvement might be made for the joint Advantage of Virginia and Great Britain in so many particular Respects; therefore I hope what I have instanced in the following State and Schemes will be look'd upon as sufficient for my Purpose, without making Mention of several other beneficial Things of the Nature and Use of which I have but little Knowledge; such as Cotton, Pepper, with the large thick Husks of Acorns for the Diers Use, with the like.

THE
STATE
OF
VIRGINIA.

PART I.

Chap. I.

Of the Original of the Indians, Europeans, and Negroes.

One main Cause, why the Gospel is not propagated with better Success among the Infidels, and why it is not more strictly followed by such Europeans as inhabit the American Plantations, is the little right Knowledge that Superintendants of the Church have of them, from imperfect Accounts and false Information; for before we can entertain any tolerable Idea of the Tenents, and Inclinations of any People; it is requisite we should know something of their Original, Temper, and Government; for want of which much Cost and Labour have been in vain expended, and many pious Designs and Projects frustrated.

And as the Progress of Religion, so for the same Causes, and in the same Manner, is the Improvement of Arts, Sciences, and Trade, much retarded.

I shall therefore exhibit a short View of the present Inhabitants of Virginia; which are Indians, English, and Negroes, with a Description of the Country: After which their Morals and Manners may more plainly and briefly be described; from whence may easily be inferred an Account of Maryland and North Carolina, nearly agreeing with Virginia in many Respects.

The Indians may be term'd Aborigines; for to pretend to determine their Pedigree exactly, with the Time and Manner of seating this unknown World, to me seems as morally impossible, as it is naturally to account for the Complexion of their Bodies, and the Temper of their Minds.

So that the best History of them till late Years is but meer Guess-work, of which my Sentiments are these:

We know that all Nations of the World are the Descendants of Noah's three Sons, Shem, Ham, and Japheth: From the youngest (from some promised Blessings) may we suppose the Europeans and Western Asiaticks to be descended. From Canaan the Son of the middlemost issued the Canaanites, and from some of his Sons might spring the Egyptians, Moors, Negroes, and other Inhabitants of Africa.

From Shem sprung Eber, and from Eber's eldest Son Peleg sprung the Hebrews, and from Eber's younger Son Joktan are derived the East, and (I suppose) their Cousins the West-Indians of America. For in Peleg's Days the Earth was divided, Gen. x. 25. and his Brother Jocktan's Dwelling was from Mesha, as thou goest unto Sephar, a Mount of the East, v. 30. By these were the Nations divided in the Earth after the Flood, v. 32.

To me the Indians of America seem to be some of the Posterity of Shem, driven thither by Providence, for Causes unknown to us, which might easily be done (in large Boats or Canoes and Periaguas) from the Eastern Parts of Asia, their Grandfather Jocktan's Country; which is not improbable: Since a Storm might drive them off from the Shore, and the trade Winds, which blow constantly one Way half the Year, might carry them directly to America, over the vast South Sea Ocean; in which Passage their greatest Danger of Death might be Hunger and Thirst; but they, that know the Indians, know also, that they can bear Want a prodigious while; and what might they not bear, when the Divine Power was miraculously concerned in it, for Purposes known to the Almighty only?

Indeed for what we have yet discovered, we don't know, but the Continent of America may be join'd to Tartary; from whence (if so) they might have an easy, though tedious Conveyance. Be it how it will, I am of Opinion, that they are descended from Asia, and not Africa; because in their copper Colour, long black Hair, strait proper Shape, and haughty Carriage, they are somewhat like the East-Indians; whereas they seem to be of a different Breed from the Negroes, who are blacker, have uglier Faces and Bodies, and are of a more servile Carriage, and slavish Temper: Besides, the Africans circumcise, which with other Jewish Customs, I imagine, they may derive from Egypt; whereas the Indians use no such Practices: Moreover they hate, and despise the very Sight of a Negroe; but they seem to like an East-Indian, and fear and revere the Whites.

What some may object in Contradiction to the Universality of the Deluge; that the Communication between Asia and America was washed away by it; thence inferring that the Americans are of Antidiluvian Families, may (I presume) be exploded, when we remark, that in most Places, at a great Depth, and far distant from the Sea, are many great Beds of strange Shells, and Bones, and Teeth of Fish and Beasts vastly different from any Land or Water-Animals now found in those, or any other Parts of the World; so that notwithstanding all the curious Speculations of Philosophers to reconcile this with Reason, and ascribe for it natural Causes; yet to me it appears evidently to be a Token, and Relict of the general Flood of Noah. For these Shells and Bones might be easily preserved from Corruption, and mouldering so long a Time, whilst covered with a great Thickness of dry Earth, and kept from Air; to which when they are exposed they soon decay.

The best true Account that we have of the Primitive wild Inhabitants of the Earth, not civilized by Government, nor assisted by Learning, Arts and Communication with Strangers, is of the Canaanites; whose State of Nature the Indians still retain, resembling them in most Respects, who may be their Cousins descended from Joktan, and may be some cursed Generations, for Reasons hidden from us. For which Causes they might be separated from the rest of Mankind, and be debarred the Light of Grace, and kept in their barbarous Ignorance, for their obstinate Rebellion against God; till of his gracious Goodness and Mercy he be pleased in his appointed Time to compleat their Conversion, and be more favourable to them.

I have a much truer and clearer Notion of the Canaanites, Hebrews, &c. since I have seen the Indians, than I could have before, who afford living Examples of the primitive Savages, and Idolaters.

To confirm this, observe; that as the Inhabitants of the Land of Canaan, who were vanquished by the Israelites, and were principally descended from Canaan the fourth Son of accursed Ham, being a Mixture of several remarkable Nations that were great and idolatrous, and in an especial Manner hateful to God, with frequent Wars and Barbarities among themselves; in like Manner are the American Indians, as savage, idolatrous, unbelieving, numerous, monstrous, idle and delighting in War and Cruelty as their antient Relations the Inhabitants of the Land of Canaan; and have as many different Nations, Languages, and strange Names and Customs as the Canaanites, the Jebusites, the Hittites, the Hivites, the Perizites, and the Gergisites. The Indians being subdivided into as many Branches and Sovereignties as they, intermixt with as hideous Neighbours, as the Gigantick Philistines of the Race of Misraim; with the Moabites and Amorites, Descendants of Lot by his own Daughters; with the Midianites and Edomites, the Posterity of Midian and Esau.

The Senecaa Indians in their War Dress may appear as terrible as any of the Sons of Anak. The Usherees, Shuterees, and Cherackees are full as formidable as the Hittites, Jebusites, and Amalakites; and a Tuskaroodau is as savage and strange as any Canaanite, that dwelt by the Sea; and a Pomunkee, Sapony, or Sugarr is as fierce and frightful as any Amorite that dwelt upon or beyond the Mountains; and Powhatan, Oppechancanough and Wickmaunatauchee have fought many Battles not unlike Og, Sihon, and Chederlaomer.

In my mean Judgment it seems not improbable that when Noah had cursed the Posterity of Ham, and reserved different blessings for Shem and Japheth, God set a distinguishing Colour upon their Bodies, and ingrafted in their Nature various Tempers, and endowed them with separate Talents. From whence their Posterity are of three different Complexions and Countenances, as is apparent in White, Black, and Brown People, which by Mixtures, or from Climates or otherwise are subdivided: Particularly the brown Children of Shem have two peculiar Aspects different from each other, and distinct from all the rest; one proper to the Jews, the Sons of Peleg, and the other belonging to the East and West-Indies, the Sons of Joktan, Peleg's younger Brother.

To the white Posterity of Japheth, viz. to the Europeans in particular are Noah's Words (Gen. ix. 27.) very applicable, where he said, that God should enlarge Japheth, and he should dwell in the Tents of Shem, and Canaan shall be his Servant; which seems fulfilled in our Possession of Lands in the East and West-Indies, the Tents of the Sons of Shem, where Canaan or the Negroe is our Servant and Slave; and as it is said of him in the 25th Verse, a Servant of Servants is Canaan unto his Brethren.

For the Negroes seem evidently to be Descendants from some of the Sons of Canaan. For it is not to be supposed that the Jews destroyed them all, for the Families of the Canaanites were spread abroad, Gen. x. 18. so that probably in process of Time they possessed Africa. As for the Blessing upon Shem in the 26th Verse, and Canaan being his Servant; this appears to be fulfilled in the Jews in Part, descended from Peleg, Heber's eldest Son; from whom sprung Abraham the Father of the Faithful, in whose Seed the Lord God of Shem may be said to be blessed according to Noah's Prophecy, who made Part of Canaan Slaves, and took them Captive. And as for the other Branches of Shem's Posterity by Joktan (which Sound is not quite lost in either of the Indies) I take them to be the East and West-Indians, Chinese, and Tartars; and it may be the Persians, for whom with their Cousins the Jews, none but God knows what Blessings may still be reserved in Store, it being to be hoped that they and all the Ends of the World may be converted, and see and partake of the Salvation of our God; so that by all may the Lord God of Shem at length be blessed.

Thus far, as to my Notions of the Original of the Indians, whom I imagine to be descended from some of the Sons of Joktan, second Son of Eber, sprung from Shem, Noah's eldest Son: With a Derivation of the Whites from Japheth the youngest, and the Negroes from some of the Sons of Canaan, Descendant of Ham, Noah's second Son.

Chap. II.

Of the Government, Religion, Habit, Wars, Lives, Customs, &c. of the Indians of North America, and of Christanna.

As to the Government and Life of the Indians, they live in a kind of patriarchal Manner, variously diversify'd, not unlike the Tribes and Families mentioned in the Old Testament. Every small Town is a petty Kingdom govern'd by an absolute Monarch, assisted and advised by his great Men, selected out of the gravest, oldest, bravest, and richest; if I may allow their Dear-Skins, Peak and Roenoak (black and white Shells with Holes, which they wear on Strings about their Arms and Necks) to be Wealth.

Sometimes there are general Emperors, who have several petty Kingdoms in some Measure under their Protection and Power.

They dwell in Towns some twenty, some a hundred Miles, and some farther from one another, each Town having a particular Jargon and peculiar Customs; though for the most Part they agree in certain Signs, Expressions, and Manners.

They are frequently at War with all their Neighbours, or most of them, and treat their Captive Prisoners very barbarously; either by scalping them (which I have seen) by ripping off the Crown of the Head, which they wear on a Thong by their Side as a signal Trophee and Token of Victory and Bravery or sometimes they tie their Prisoners, and lead them bound to their Town, where with the most joyful Solemnity they kill them, often by thrusting in several Parts of their Bodies scewers of Light-wood which burn like Torches. The poor Victim all the while (which is sometimes two or three Days) not shewing the least Symptom of Grief, nor Sign of Pain, but bearing it with a scornful Sullenness.

In their Rejoicings and Wardances they with the most antick Gestures, in the most frightful Dress, with a hideous Noise, enumerate the Enemies, that they have murder'd, and such like Exploits.

They attack always by Surprize, and will never stand their Ground when discovered; but fly to Ambush, whither the Enemy may pursue with Peril of his Life.

They are made for running very swiftly, and are nicely dextrous at fishing, hunting, and fowling; whereby they support themselves and Families with Venison, Fish, wild Turkies, &c.

The Women do all the hard Labour, such as cutting down the Trees, planting Corn, &c. carrying Burthens and all their other Work; the Men only hunting, fishing and fowling, eating, drinking, dancing and sleeping.

The Boys still use Bows and Arrows for Exercise, with which they are very dextrous; but the Men always use Fire-Arms, which with Ammunition they buy of us with their Dear-Skins, going rarely out unarmed.

They are so wonderfully quick-sighted, that they will swiftly pursue by Eye the Track of any Thing among the Trees, in the Leaves and Grass, as an Hound does by the Scent, where we can't perceive the least Mark or Footstep.

They cohabit in some hundreds of Families, and fix upon the richest Ground to build their wooden Houses, which they place in a circular Form, meanly defended with Pales, and covered with Bark; the middle Area (or Forum) being for common Uses and publick Occasions. The Women in order to plant their Indian Corn and Tobacco (to clear the Ground of Trees) cut the Bark round; so that they die and don't shade the Ground, and decay in Time.

Wherever we meet with an old Indian Field, or Place where they have lived, we are sure of the best Ground. They all remove their Habitation for fear of their Enemies, or for the Sake of Game and Provision.

They have small Sweating Houses like Ovens; out of which when they are almost smothered with Heat, they run into a River, which they always contrive to build their Towns near.

This Practice in all Distempers often kills vast Numbers in Sicknesses, which are new to them.

They have no Notion of providing for Futurity; for they eat Night and Day whilst their Provision lasts, falling to as soon as they awake, and falling asleep again as soon as they are well crammed.

Their Fish, Flesh, and Fowl, they either barbacue on an high Gridiron, or broil on sharp Sticks before a Fire, which they always keep in the Middle of their Cabbin; and they lie upon Boards and Skins raised like Benches round about their Room.

Their Drink is Water, unless they can get Rum; with which they make themselves the greatest Beasts, never ceasing as long as they have Liquor to drink, and can keep awake.

I have known, when Cows have been given them, that they let them go dry for Laziness in neglecting to milk them, and die in the Winter for want of Fodder.

They commonly wear a Dear-Skin, putting their Arms thro' the Holes of the Shoulder, with a Flap ty'd before and behind to cover their Nakedness; though they buy often Matchcoats or Blankets now, to defend them from the Wet and Cold, and think themselves very fine in such Coats as our common Soldiers wear, or of any taudry Colours: Besides this, some pin Pieces of red or blue Cloth about their Legs, and make Moccasons or leather Purses for their Feet, with which they can travel in the Woods, without Danger of Thorns or Stumps. For all the Country is but one continued Forest, with Patches of some hundred Acres here and there cleared; either being formerly seated by Indians, or the Trees being burnt in Fire-Hunting, or cut down for Plantations.

Their Children almost as soon as born, are ty'd flat on their Backs to a Board; and so may be flung on the Ground, or put to lean against any Thing, or be slung over their Neck in Travelling, or hung upon a Bough, as Occasion requires.

This occasions them to be exactly strait; so that it is a Miracle to see a crooked or deformed Indian.

Their Hair is very black, coarse and long; and they are all over daubed frequently with Bear's Oil.

Each Nation has some distinguishing Mark, especially in the Cut or Tie of their Hair, in which they are very whimsical and comical.

They often wear Shells hanging upon their Breasts, with Feathers or a Deer's Tail in their bored Ears or Hair, with a Wolf or Fox-Skin for a Snapsack; with other odd Accoutrements.

In their Opinion, they are finest when dressed most ridiculously or terribly. Thus some have their Skins all over curiously wrought with blewish Lines and Figures, as if done with Gun-Powder and Needles, and all of them delight in being painted; so that when they are very fine, you may see some of them with their Hair cut off on one Side, and a long Lock on the other. The Crown being crested and bedaubed with red Lead and Oil; their Forehead being painted white, and it may be their Nose black, and a Circle of Blue round one Eye, with the Cheek red, and all the other Side of the Face yellow, or in some such fantastical Manner. These Colours they buy of us, being persuaded to despise their own, which are common and finer.

They are treacherous, suspicious and jealous, difficult to be persuaded or imposed upon, and very sharp, hard in Dealing, and ingenious in their Way, and in Things that they naturally know, or have been taught; though at first they are very obstinate, and unwilling to apprehend or learn Novelties, and seem stupid and silly to Strangers.

An Instance of their resolute Stupidity and Obstinacy in receiving a new Custom, I have seen in the prodigious Trouble of bringing them to sell their Skins, and buy Gunpowder by Weight; for they could not apprehend the Power and Justice of the Stilliard; but with the Scales at Length they apprehended it tolerably well; though at first they insisted upon as much Gunpowder as the Skin weighed, which was much more than their Demand in Measure. They have Geographical Notions, as to the Situation of their own Country, and will find the Way to very remote Places in a surprizing Manner; steering by the Course of the Rivers, &c. or by the Trees, whose North Side is easily known by the Moss.

Thus I know, that Wickmannatauchee (a great King among the Southern Indians) whom I saw just before, and since, when he made his Escape from his Enemy Indians at Christanna, where his Queen and abundance of his People were slain, and he ty'd in order to be carried away Prisoner; yet broke loose, and ran directly Home several hundred Miles stark-naked, without Arms or Provision, in the Month of March, when the Trees afforded no Fruit; neither did he go near any other Nation, till he got to his own; therefore I suppose Roots were his Provision, and Water his Liquor, unless by some cunning Method (with which they abound) he caught Fish, Fowl, or Venison; and as for Fire I know they can kindle that by rubbing of certain Sticks together.

They count their Time by Days, or by the Return of the Moon, and Cohonks, a sort of wild Geese. They walk one after another in a Line, are very serious in Debates, speak but one at a Time; and in Negotiations all agree to what either proposes or approves of, and are not easily imposed upon; and when affronted, they highly resent Injuries, and being treacherous are no more to be trusted than tame Lions, who can't wholly lose their savage Hearts.

They have tolerable good Notions of natural Justice, Equity, Honour and Honesty, to the Rules whereof the great Men strictly adhere; but their common People will lye, cheat, and steal.

They seldom commit Violence upon the English, but when provoked, or put on by others.

The French, that are seated upon the River of St. Laurence and the Messisippi, and the Lakes between them in Canada and Lovisiana, which extend behind all the English Plantations along the Heart of North America a vast Way, from the most Northern Parts of the French Settlements, which are contiguous quite to the Gulf of Mexico, are numerous, and through the Policy of their late King intermarry with the Indians; by which means being united with them, they often set them on to destroy the English, which may prove dangerous in Case of a War with France.

But to prevent more Mischiefs of this kind, Providence has secured us from them by a continued Ridge of vast high Hills, called the Apelachian Mountains, running nearly under the Meridian, as being passable but in very few Places; which Mountains through the Care and Conduct of the Honourable Colonel Spotswood are secured for his Majesty, tho' not guarded as yet; which might easily be done to the great Safety and Encouragement of back Settlements in a vast rich Country Westward of the Settlements of Virginia, some hundred of Miles from the Sea quite to the Mountains, which might prove a Terror to the French Indians and Planters, in Case of Inroads and Irruptions, and become a Safeguard to the Trade of those Places.

Governor Spotswood, when he undertook the great Discovery of the Passage over the Mountains, attended with a sufficient Guard and Pioneers and Gentlemen, with a sufficient Stock of Provision, with abundant Fatigue passed these Mountains, and cut his Majesty's Name in a Rock upon the Highest of them, naming it M o u n t G e o r g e; and in Complaisance the Gentlemen from the Governor's Name, called the Mountain next in Height, Mount Alexander.

For this Expedition they were obliged to provide a great Quantity of Horse-Shoes; (Things seldom used in the lower Parts of the Country, where there are few Stones:) Upon which Account the Governor upon their Return presented each of his Companions with a Golden Horse-Shoe, (some of which I have seen studded with valuable Stones resembling the Heads of Nails) with this Inscription on the one Side: Sic juvat transcendere montes: And on the other is written the tramontane Order.

This he instituted to encourage Gentlemen to venture backwards, and make Discoveries and new Settlements; any Gentleman being entitled to wear this Golden Shoe that can prove his having drank His Majesty's Health, upon Mount George.

He built a Fort called Christanna, which tho' not so far back, yet proved of great Service and Use; where at his sole Expence (I think) I have seen Seventy Seven Indian Children at a Time at School, under the careful Management of the worthy Mr. Charles Griffin, who lived there some Years for that Purpose; from whom I have been informed of most of the Indian Customs and Principles, that I here mention, except such as I have seen and known my self.

These Children could all read, say their Catechisms and Prayers tolerably well; but this pious Design being laid aside thro' the Opposition of Trade and Interest, Mr. Griffin was removed to the College to teach the Indians, instructed there by the Benefaction of the Honourable Mr. Boyle.

The Indians so loved and adored him, that I have seen them hug him and lift him up in their Arms, and fain would have chosen him for a King of the Sapony Nation.

The Southern Indians, that came several hundred Miles to meet the Governor, there to treat of War, and Peace, and Trade, though they had several murthered by their own Northern Enemies, (even under the Mouths of our great Guns, and whilst we were there) which made them somewhat jealous that we had betray'd them; yet left several Children under his Care, and engaged themselves to send more, though they themselves would not relinquish their Barbarity; for they in reasoning with us by Interpreters, asked Leave to be excused from becoming as we are; for they thought it hard, that we should desire them to change their Manners and Customs, since they did not desire us to turn Indians: However, they permitted their Children to be brought up in our Way; and when they were able to judge for themselves, they were to live as the English, or as the Indians, according to their best liking.

The Indians have a blind Worship and Sacrifice, Priests, and Physicians, and Expiation, with howling Lamentations and Purgation at their Burials: All which I have seen at the Funeral of their Slain at Christanna, whom they buried thus; having made Holes like Saw-Pits, and lined them with Bark and Sticks, they wrapped the Bodies in the best Cloth they could buy with the Skins of the Deceased, and laid them in the Graves, with all the Cloths, Skins and Nicknacks of the Dead: Then they covered the Body hollow with Sticks, and flung in the Earth with mournful Noise; so the Bodies lay as in Coffins.

The Priest or Physician in curing the Wounded, made an hideous Noise, singing certain Charms, with particular Actions and Forms of Incantation, to which he ascribed the Cure, tho' I believe this is done only to blind the common Indians; for I observed he did not begin his Operation, till he had been in the Woods. Then he shut us all out for an Hour, and when we were readmitted, I perceived he had been using certain Roots and Herbs that I knew not.

Upon Enquiry, we have from them these their Notions of the State of the Dead.

They believe that they go to Mohomny that lives beyond the Sun, if they have not been Wicked, nor like Dogs nor Wolves, that is, not unchast, then they believe that Mohomny sends them to a plentiful Country abounding with Fish, Flesh and Fowls, the best of their Kind, and easy to be caught; but if they have been naughty, then he sends them to a poor barren Country, where be many Wolves and Bears, with a few nimble Deer, swift Fish and Fowls, difficult to be taken; and when killed, being scarce any thing but Skin and Bones.

They allow Polygamy, if the Man can maintain his Family, as I have been informed.

They punish Adultery in a Woman by cutting off her Hair, which they fix upon a long Pole without the Town; which is such a Disgrace that the Party is obliged to fly, and becomes a Victim to some Enemy, a Slave to some Rover, or perishes in the Woods.

They have certain Hieroglyphical Methods of characterizing Things; an Instance of which I have seen upon the Side of a Tree where the Bark was taken off.

There was drawn something like a Deer and a River, with certain Strokes and Dashes; the Deer looking down the River, which we interpreted to be left for Information to some of their stragling Company, that certain of them were gone down that River a Hunting, and others were gone different Ways.

I know by the Boys at the College, that they have an excellent Genius for Drawing; and I fancy by Art they might be made some of the best Masters of Painting and Limning, to which they seem naturally inclined.

They hate Injury and Oppression; and I have been told they have some capital Punishments.

Besides the French, the Traders of some Companies and Countries often set the Indians on to injure the English on the Frontiers, out of a barbarous inhuman Design; and often private Injuries done by some of our ordinary or vile People (who esteem and use the Indians as Dogs) are repaid with publick Barbarity.

An Instance of their Resolutions for Satisfaction, we have in the Death of Major Wynne, who was shot by an Indian, because one of our Servants had killed one of their great Men; and upon the Trial of the Indian, they pleaded that we were the Aggressors, and that they never rest without Revenge and Reprisals; and that now they said we and they were equal, having each lost a great Man: Wherefore to avoid more Bloodshed, there was a Necessity to pardon the Indian.

They report that the Northern Indians send out Bodies of young Fellows yearly, who dare not return without a certain Number of Scalps or Prisoners, in order to train them up, and qualify them for great and fighting Men.

Now these, and such as are set on by others, do some Mischief (tho' but very seldom) in the Frontier Plantations, tho' they be guarded with Rangers; and these with such as think themselves injured are the Indians that make Wars, and such Disturbance in the Northern and Southern Colonies: But the tributary Indians, of which there are but four very small Nations in Virginia on this Side the Mountains, keep to the Bounds allowed them, and seldom do any Hurt, being sure to be punished for Offences in a great Measure by our Laws, since we protect and shelter them, by permitting them to live among us; tho' sometimes they will pretend to claim their prior Right to all our Lands, as Blunt King of the Tuskaroodaus did, when he told Colonel Spotswood that the Country belonged to them before we English came thither; so that he thought they had a better Title than we, and ought not to be confined to such narrow Limits for Hunting.

To retort this Argument, the Governor told him that Mohomny took the Ground from them and gave it us, because we did as he bid us, but they would not.

Blunt answered, that they could not tell what Mohomny would have them do; and asked how we knew.

The Governor then told him that Mohomny sent his Son to us, who lived a long time with us, and told us and taught us what we should do; and then he went back again to his Father.

With this King Blunt seemed satisfied and surprized; and after a Pause, he said, he had talked with several Governors and other English, but he really never before heard that Mohomny had a Son.

I relate this, to shew how by Degrees, after proper Methods, they may be humoured, and brought to have some Notions of the true Religion, when their Capacity and Temper is rightly studied and managed; for we must give Milk to such Babes in Faith.

Some indeed, after seeming Conversion have apostatized and returned to their own Ways, chiefly because they can live with less Labour, and more Pleasure and Plenty, as Indians, than they can with us; but this might easily be remedied by making a plentiful Provision for them, especially those at the College, by sending some to Sea, and putting out others to Trades, and not letting them idle away their Time, nor return to their Towns so soon, before they be perfect in the Understanding and Approbation of our Customs and Religion, and have seen some more of the World, and be handsomly provided for; for then if they returned, they might do Good to themselves and others.

This might by Degrees convert all the tributary and neighbouring Indians; and the Northern and Southern Nations might be managed by Missionaries from the Society, and the College Indians.

These inland People are vastly numerous, as I have been told by the Traders, who are sent out amongst them seven or eight hundred Miles, with about a hundred Horses, and stay there sometimes for Years together.

The Missionaries that are now sent, generally keep among the English, and rarely see an Indian; or when they do, know but little how to manage them; for you may as well talk Reason, Philosophy, or Divinity to a Block, as to them, unless you perfectly understand their Temper, and know how to humour them.

I believe indeed, Mr. Andrews, Missionary to the Northern Indians, in the late Queen's Time, did great Good among them in seven Years: In which Time, he found out something of their Nature, and translated Part of our Prayers and Psalms into their Language: Which Book when he gave me, he told me that it had not the desired Effect, neither did his Preaching avail as much as could be wished, because Policy and Interest intervening often superseded the Promotion of the Gospel, and the debauched Lives and vile Practices of our ordinary People give Examples very pernicious to Religion; for the Indians think, that they may surely be allowed the same Liberty as we; and if our Folks don't act, as they say, they should, the Indians may think the Christian Profession to be a Cheat, when our pretended Principles are contradicted by our Actions.

I have here specified some general Customs and Notions of the Indians, without a superficial Knowledge of which Things the Government and Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, may be at great Trouble and Expence, and yet make but small Progress in the Propagation of Learning, Religion and good Manners among the Heathen Indians of America; who in Gross may all be said to be such, as I have here given an Account of.

PART II.

Chap. I.

Of the English Settlements in Virginia.

The first Discovery made for the English in North-America, was in the Year 1584, (a hundred and forty Years ago) by Captain Philip Amidas, and Captain Arthur Barlow, by the Protection and Encouragement of Queen Elizabeth; with the Persuasion and Direction of Sir Walter Raleigh.

They anchored at Roenoak Inlet, now belonging to the Government of North Carolina, and from the Virgin Queen, and the apparent Purity of the Indians, and primitive Plenty of the Place, that new discover'd Part of the World was named Virginia.

After that, Sir Richard Greenvile, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Walter Raleigh carried on the Project, and made Advancements in it, with the Leave of the Government; which were promoted and continued by the Merchants of London, Bristol, Exeter and Plymouth; with Variety of Accidents, Successes and Disappointments in Respect of their Trade and Possessions, and War and Peace with the Indians; especially under the Conduct of Captain Smith, who was employed by the Company of Merchants incorporated by King James I. in 1606; and has written a large History of his particular Transactions.

They then fixed chiefly at, and near James Town, on a small Island in James River, till the Year 1609, when they sent out Settlements to Nansemond, Powhatan, and the Year after to Kiquotan.

After that the Plantations of Virginia were formed into a Government, managed first by three, and afterwards by one Governor, to whose Assistance in a small Time they added Counsellors; and in 1620, they called an Assembly of Burgesses, who being elected by the People, met the Governor and Council at James Town, and debated Matters for the Improvement and good Government of the Country.

About this Time the Dutch brought over some Negroes for Sale, who are now wonderfully encreased; besides the constant Supplies of them imported yearly.

At this Time, they made new Settlements, laid out and apportioned Lands, some to the Governor, some for a College and Indian School, some to the Church and Glebes, and some to particular Persons; and carried on Salt Works and Iron Works, besides Tobacco.

This Prosperity of the Colony so encouraged its Increase, that one thousand three hundred People have gone over in one Year to settle there; upon which they made County Courts for the Tryal of some Causes and Criminals under the General Court and Assembly; but private Interest and Quarrels byassing the Governors and other Persons concerned, often introduced ill Success, Faction, and Indian Wars.

The fatal Consequences of this Male-Administration cry'd so loud, that King Charles I. coming to the Crown of England, had a tender Concern for the poor People, that had been betrayed thither and almost lost: Upon which he dissolved the Company in 1626, reducing the Country and Government into his own immediate Direction, appointing the Governor and Council himself, and ordering all Patents and Processes to issue in his own Name, reserving to himself a Quit-Rent of two Shillings for every hundred Acres of Land.

In this happy Constitution, the Colony of Virginia has prosperously encreased gradually and wonderfully, to its present most flourishing Condition.

Indeed Bacon's Rebellion against the Governor occasioned a great deal of Bloodshed and Disturbance; but that after his Death soon ceased.

The assured good Report of this vast Tract of Land and happy Climate encouraged several Gentlemen of Condition and good Descent, to transport themselves and Families, and settle in this new Paradise; some for the Sake of Wealth, some for Religion, and others because they could not well live elsewhere; and others because they dared not, or cared not to stay at Home.

But one particular Occasion that sent several Families of good Birth and Fortune to settle there, was the Civil Wars in England; for Sir William Barkley the Governor being strong for the King, held out the last of all the King's Dominions against the Usurper; and likewise proclaimed King Charles II. before the Restoration.

This safe Receptacle enticed over several Cavalier Families, where they made many Laws against Puritans, tho' they were free from them; which had this good Success, that to this Day, the People are as it were quite free from them, being all of the Church of England, without the odious distinguishing Characters of High or Low among themselves. Indeed, there are a few Quakers in some of the worst Counties, where Clergymen are unwilling to settle, such as the lower Parts of Nansemond County; but these might easily be brought over to the Church; and I am fully persuaded that the Growth of their Doctrine might be easily nipped in the Bud, by very plain Methods.

Among other Persons of Distinction that went over to settle in Virginia, was the noble Cæcilius Calvert Lord Baltimore, a Roman Catholick, who with his Family, Friends and Attendants, was willing to retire thither for the free Exercise of his Religion.

He obtained a Patent for all that vast Part of Virginia, which lies to the Northward of the great River Potowmack; which was confirmed to his Son and his Heirs in the Year 1633.

This Province was named Maryland from the Royal Consort of King Charles I. and remains still the Propriety of the present Lord Baltimore and his Heirs, with the Restriction of their being Protestants; and is perhaps the largest Estate in the World belonging to any one Person, that is not a Prince.

Though the Church of England be establish'd in Maryland; yet it is a Sanctuary for Papists, who are pretty numerous there, and enjoy the Freedom of their Priests and Mass in a great Measure, without Molestation.

Chap. II.

Of the Metropolis Williamsburgh, and the College, Capitol, and Governor's House, and the Church, &c.

The first Metropolis, James Town, was built in the most convenient Place for Trade and Security against the Indians, but often received much Damage, being twice burnt down; after which it never recovered its Perfection, consisting at present of nothing but Abundance of Brick Rubbish, and three or four good inhabited Houses, tho' the Parish is of pretty large Extent, but less than others. When the State House and Prison were burnt down, Governor Nicholson removed the Residence of the Governor, with the Meeting of General Courts and General Assemblies to Middle Plantation, seven Miles from James Town, in a healthier and more convenient Place, and freer from the Annoyance of Muskettoes.

Here he laid out the City of Williamsburgh (in the Form of a Cypher, made of W. and M.) on a Ridge at the Head Springs of two great Creeks, one running into James, and the other into York River, which are each navigable for Sloops, within a Mile of the Town; at the Head of which Creeks are good Landings, and Lots laid out, and Dwelling Houses and Ware Houses built; so that this Town is most conveniently situated, in the Middle of the lower Part of Virginia, commanding two noble Rivers, not above four Miles from either, and is much more commodious and healthful, than if built upon a River.

Publick Buildings here of Note, are the College, the Capitol, the Governor's House, and the Church. The Latitude of the College at Williamsburgh, to the best of my Observation, is 37°. 21´. North.

The Front which looks due East is double, and is 136 Foot long. It is a lofty Pile of Brick Building adorn'd with a Cupola. At the North End runs back a large Wing, which is a handsome Hall, answerable to which the Chapel is to be built; and there is a spacious Piazza on the West Side, from one Wing to the other. It is approached by a good Walk, and a grand Entrance by Steps, with good Courts and Gardens about it, with a good House and Apartments for the Indian Master and his Scholars, and Out-Houses; and a large Pasture enclosed like a Park with about 150 Acres of Land adjoining, for occasional Uses.

The Building is beautiful and commodious, being first modelled by Sir Christopher Wren, adapted to the Nature of the Country by the Gentlemen there; and since it was burnt down, it has been rebuilt, and nicely contrived, altered and adorned by the ingenious Direction of Governor Spotswood; and is not altogether unlike Chelsea Hospital.

This Royal Foundation was granted and establish'd by Charter, by King William and Queen Mary, and endowed by them, with some thousand Acres of Land, with Duties upon Furs and Skins, and a Penny a Pound for all Tobacco transported from Virginia and Maryland, to the other Plantations; to which have been made several additional Benefactions, as that handsom Establishment of Mr. Boyle, for the Education of Indians, with the many Contributions of the Country, especially a late one of 1000 l. to buy Negroes for the College Use and Service.

The Society is a Corporation establish'd for a President, six Masters or Professors, with a hundred Scholars, more or less.

For some Causes that I can't account for, the Revenue is not improved as much as might be wished; neither is the College brought to that Method of Education and Advantage, as it might be; tho' 'tis hoped, that in a few Years it will, like the Palm Tree, grow to the greater Perfection, under the weighty Obstacles that load it.

The Salary of the President Mr. James Blair, has been lately ordered to be reduced from 150 to 100 l. per Ann.

The Salary of the Fellows (one of which I have been several Years) is 80 l. per Ann. each, with 20 s. Entrance, and 20 s. a Year for Pupilage for each Scholar: The Payments are sometimes made in Current Spanish Money, and sometimes in Sterling Bills.

The Nature of the Country scarce yet admits of a Possibility of reducing the Collegians to the nice Methods of Life and Study observed in Oxford and Cambridge; tho' by Degrees they may copy from thence many useful Customs and Constitutions.

When the College shall be compleatly finished, and Scholarships founded, then is the Trust to be transferred from the Trustees to the President and Masters; but at present it is managed by a certain Number of Governors or Visitors, (one of which is chosen yearly Rector) appointed first by the Trustees, elected out of the principal and worthiest Inhabitants.

These appoint a Person, to whom they grant several Privileges and Allowances to board and lodge the Masters and Scholars at an extraordinary cheap Rate.

This Office is at present performed in the neatest and most regular and plentiful Manner, by Mrs. Mary Stith, a Gentlewoman of great Worth and Discretion, in good Favour with the Gentry, and great Esteem and Respect with the common People.

Great Pity it is, but the noble Design of this College met with more Friends to encourage, and Benefactors to advance, its flourishing State.

One Happiness is, that it has always a Chancellor in England, chosen by the Governors or Feoffees; to whose Patronage and Direction it may have Recourse upon emergent Occasions.

The last Chancellor was the late Bishop of London; and the present is his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury.

The Chancellor continues in that Office but seven Years; so that it may happen as soon as he has obtained a perfect Knowledge and Acquaintance with the Persons and Affairs belonging to the College, his Term is expired: Besides their Business in other momentous Affairs at Home may divert them, and the Distance of the Country may prevent them from obtaining true Notions, and exact Accounts of the Nature of the Colony and the College; so that for these Reasons, they can't do for it the Good, which they otherwise might: For their better Information, and for Direction of all, in promoting Religion and Learning in this Plantation, I have made Publick this Account of it, and its Inhabitants.

Fronting the College at near its whole Breadth, is extended a noble Street mathematically streight (for the first Design of the Town's Form is changed to a much better) just three Quarters of a Mile in Length: At the other End of which stands the Capitol, a noble, beautiful, and commodious Pile as any of its Kind, built at the Cost of the late Queen, and by the Direction of the Governor.

In this is the Secretary's Office with all the Courts of Justice and Law, held in the same Form, and near the same Manner, as in England; except the Ecclesiastical Courts.

Here the Governor and twelve Counsellors sit as Judges, at the General Courts in April and October, whither Trials and Causes are removed from Courts, held at the Court-Houses Monthly in every County by a Bench of Justices and a County Clerk.

Here are also held the Oyer and Terminer Courts, one in Summer, and the other in Winter, added by the Charity of the late Queen, for the Prevention of Prisoners lying in Gaol above a Quarter of a Year before their Trial.

Here are also held Courts Martial, by Judges appointed on Purpose, for the Trial of Pyrates; likewise Courts of Admiralty, for the Trial of Ships for illegal Trade.

The Building is in the Form of an H nearly; the Secretary's Office, and the General Court taking up one Side below Stairs; the Middle being an handsom Portico leading to the Clerk of the Assembly's Office, and the House of Burgesses on the other Side; which last is not unlike the House of Commons.

In each Wing is a good Stair Case, one leading to the Council Chamber, where the Governor and Council sit in very great State, in Imitation of the King and Council, or the Lord Chancellor and House of Lords.

Over the Portico is a large Room where Conferences are held, and Prayers are read by the Chaplain to the General Assembly; which Office I have had the Honour for some Years to perform. At one End of this is a Lobby, and near it is the Clerk of the Council's Office; and at the other End are several Chambers for the Committees of Claims, Privileges, and Elections; and over all these are several good Offices for the Receiver General, for the Auditor, Treasurer, &c. and upon the Middle is raised a lofty Cupola with a large Clock.

The whole is surrounded with a neat Area, encompassed with a good Wall, and near it is a strong sweet Prison for Criminals; and on the other Side of an open Court another for Debtors, when any are removed thither from other Prisons in each County; but such Prisoners are very rare, the Creditors being there generally very merciful, and the Laws so favourable for Debtors, that some esteem them too indulgent.

The Cause of my being so particular in describing the Capitol is, because it is the best and most commodious Pile of its Kind that I have seen or heard of.

Because the State House, James Town, and the College have been burnt down, therefore is prohibited in the Capitol the Use of Fire, Candles, and Tobacco.

Parallel to the main Street mentioned is a Street on each Side of it, but neither quite so long nor broad; and at proper Distances are small cross Streets, for the Convenience of Communication.

Near the Middle stands the Church, which is a large strong Piece of Brickwork in the Form of a Cross, nicely regular and convenient, and adorned as the best Churches in London. This from the Parish is called Bruton Church, where I had the Favour of being Lecturer.

Near this is a large Octogon Tower, which is the Magazine or Repository of Arms and Ammunition, landing far from any House except James Town Court-House; for the Town is half in James Town County, and half in York County.

Not far from hence is a large Area for a Market Place; near which is a Play House and good Bowling Green.

From the Church runs a Street Northward called Palace Street; at the other End of which stands the Palace or Governor's House, a magnificent Structure, built at the publick Expence, finished and beautified with Gates, fine Gardens, Offices, Walks, a fine Canal, Orchards, &c. with a great Number of the best Arms nicely posited, by the ingenious Contrivance of the most accomplished Colonel Spotswood.

This likewise has the ornamental Addition of a good Cupola or Lanthorn, illuminated with most of the Town, upon Birth-Nights, and other Nights of occasional Rejoicings.

At the Capitol, at publick Times, may be seen a great Number of handsom, well-dress'd, compleat Gentlemen. And at the Governor's House upon Birth-Nights, and at Balls and Assemblies, I have seen as fine an Appearance, as good Diversion, and as splendid Entertainments in Governor Spotswood's Time, as I have seen any where else.

These Buildings here described are justly reputed the best in all the English America, and are exceeded by few of their Kind in England.

In every Part of this Town are excellent Springs of good Water, or else may be made good Wells; and the Ground falling on both Sides, conveys the Water and Rain by small Channels into the Creeks; but to make the main Street exactly level, the Assembly lately gave a considerable Sum, which was expended in removing Earth in some Places, and building a Bridge over a low Channel; so that it is now a pleasant, long dry Walk, broad, and almost level from the College to the Capitol.

Williamsburgh is now incorporated and made a Market Town, and governed by a Mayor and Aldermen; and is well stock'd with rich Stores, of all Sorts of Goods, and well furnished with the best Provisions and Liquors.

Here dwell several very good Families, and more reside here in their own Houses at publick Times.

They live in the same neat Manner, dress after the same Modes, and behave themselves exactly as the Gentry in London; most Families of any Note having a Coach, Chariot, Berlin, or Chaise.

The Number of Artificers is here daily augmented; as are the convenient Ordinaries or Inns for Accommodation of Strangers.

The Servants here, as in other Parts of the Country, are English, Scotch, Irish, or Negroes.

The Town is laid out regularly in Lots or square Portions, sufficient each for a House and Garden; so that they don't build contiguous, whereby may be prevented the spreading Danger of Fire; and this also affords a free Passage for the Air, which is very grateful in violent hot Weather.

Here, as in other Parts, they build with Brick, but most commonly with Timber lined with Cieling, and cased with feather-edged Plank, painted with white Lead and Oil, covered with Shingles of Cedar, &c. tarr'd over at first; with a Passage generally through the Middle of the House for an Air-Draught in Summer.

Thus their Houses are lasting, dry, and warm in Winter, and cool in Summer; especially if there be Windows enough to draw the Air.

Thus they dwell comfortably, genteely, pleasantly, and plentifully in this delightful, healthful, and (I hope) thriving City of Williamsburgh.

Chap. III.

Of the Situation and Nature of the Country of Virginia, and its Coasts, &c.

Under the Meridian is extended the Expanse Bay of Chesapeak, esteemed one of the noblest and safest Bays in the World.

The Land on the East Side of it is called the Eastern Shore, the Northern Part of it belonging to Maryland, and the Southern containing Accomack and Northampton Counties belonging to Virginia; at the extreme Point of which lies one of the Capes of Virginia, the other being opposite to it, one called Cape Henry, and the other Cape Charles; without these runs a bold Shore Southward, being the Coast of North Carolina.

After Ships are clear of England, they need go near neither Land, Rocks, nor Shoals, but in a direct Course might cross the vast Atlantick Ocean about a thousand Leagues nearly W. S. W. till they make Land somewhat to the Southward of the Capes; then knowing (by their Latitude, or Landmarks, or by certain Trees) what Land they are near, they may easily get within the Capes, unless they happen to be kept off to Sea for some Time by blustering Northwesters; or unless they carelessly fall upon Cape Hatteras, or other Shoals on that Coast, in known Latitudes; so that this may be esteemed as easy a Voyage as any.

There are belonging to Virginia four principal Rivers (neither of them inferior upon many Accounts to the Thames or Severn) that empty themselves into the Bay after they have glided some Hundreds of Miles fromwards the Mountains, the Western Bounds of Virginia.

The most Southerly of these Rivers is called James River, and the next York River, the Land in the Latitude between these Rivers seeming most nicely adapted for sweet scented, or the finest Tobacco; for 'tis observed that the goodness decreaseth the farther you go to the Northward of the one, and the Southward of the other; but this may be (I believe) attributed in some Measure to the Seed and Management, as well as to the Land and Latitude: For on York River in a small Tract of Land called Digges's Neck, which is poorer than a great deal of other Land in the same Latitude, by a particular Seed and Management, is made the famous Crop known by the Name of the E Dees, remarkable for its mild taste and fine Smell.

The next great River is Rappahannock, and the fourth is Potowmack, which divides Virginia from the Province of Maryland.

These are supplied by several lesser Rivers, such as Chickahommony and others, navigable for Vessels of great Burthen.

Into these Rivers run abundance of great Creeks or short Rivers, navigable for Sloops, Shallops, Long-Boats, Flats, Canoes and Periaguas.

These Creeks are supplied with the Tide, (which indeed does not rise so high as in Europe, so prevents their making good Docks) and also with fresh-Water-runs, replenished with Branches issuing from the Springs, and soaking through the Swamps; so that no Country is better watered, for the Conveniency of which most Houses are built near some Landing-Place; so that any Thing may be delivered to a Gentleman there from London, Bristol, &c. with less Trouble and Cost, than to one living five Miles in the Country in England; for you pay no Freight for Goods from London, and but little from Bristol; only the Party to whom the Goods belong, is in Gratitude engaged to freight Tobacco upon the Ship consigned to her Owners in England.

Because of this Convenience, and for the Goodness of the Land, and for the sake of Fish, Fowl, &c. Gentlemen and Planters love to build near the Water; though it be not altogether so healthy as the Uplands and Barrens, which serve for Ranges for Stock.

In the Uplands near the Ridge generally run the main Roads, in a pleasant, dry, sandy Soil, free from Stones and Dirt, and shaded and sheltered chiefly by Trees; in some Places being not unlike the Walks in Greenwich Park.

Thus neither the Interest nor Inclinations of the Virginians induce them to cohabit in Towns; so that they are not forward in contributing their Assistance towards the making of particular Places, every Plantation affording the Owner the Provision of a little Market; wherefore they most commonly build upon some convenient Spot or Neck of Land in their own Plantation, though Towns are laid out and establish'd in each County; the best of which (next Williamsburgh) are York, Glocester, Hampton, Elizabeth Town, and Urbanna.

The Colony now is encreased to twenty nine Counties, naturally bounded (near as much as may be) one with another about as big as Kent; but the frontier Counties are of vast Extent, though not thick seated as yet.

The whole Country is a perfect Forest, except where the Woods are cleared for Plantations, and old Fields, and where have been formerly Indian Towns, and poisoned Fields and Meadows, where the Timber has been burnt down in Fire-Hunting or otherwise; and about the Creeks and Rivers are large rank Morasses or Marshes, and up the Country are poor Savannahs.

The Gentlemen's Seats are of late built for the most Part of good Brick, and many of Timber very handsom, commodious, and capacious; and likewise the common Planters live in pretty Timber Houses, neater than the Farm Houses are generally in England: With Timber also are built Houses for the Overseers and Out-Houses; among which is the Kitchen apart from the Dwelling House, because of the Smell of hot Victuals, offensive in hot Weather.

Chap. IV.

Of the Negroes, with the Planting and Management of Indian Corn, Tobacco, &c. and of their Timber, Stock, Fruits, Provision, and Habitations, &c.

The Negroes live in small Cottages called Quarters, in about six in a Gang, under the Direction of an Overseer or Bailiff; who takes Care that they tend such Land as the Owner allots and orders, upon which they raise Hogs and Cattle, and plant Indian Corn (or Maize) and Tobacco for the Use of their Master; out of which the Overseer has a Dividend (or Share) in Proportion to the Number of Hands including himself; this with several Privileges is his Salary, and is an ample Recompence for his Pains, and Encouragement of his industrious Care, as to the Labour, Health, and Provision of the Negroes.

The Negroes are very numerous, some Gentlemen having Hundreds of them of all Sorts, to whom they bring great Profit; for the Sake of which they are obliged to keep them well, and not over-work, starve, or famish them, besides other Inducements to favour them; which is done in a great Degree, to such especially that are laborious, careful, and honest; tho' indeed some Masters, careless of their own Interest or Reputation, are too cruel and negligent.

The Negroes are not only encreased by fresh Supplies from Africa and the West India Islands, but also are very prolifick among themselves; and they that are born there talk good English, and affect our Language, Habits, and Customs; and tho' they be naturally of a barbarous and cruel Temper, yet are they kept under by severe Discipline upon Occasion, and by good Laws are prevented from running away, injuring the English, or neglecting their Business.

Their Work (or Chimerical hard Slavery) is not very laborious; their greatest Hardship consisting in that they and their Posterity are not at their own Liberty or Disposal, but are the Property of their Owners; and when they are free, they know not how to provide so well for themselves generally; neither did they live so plentifully nor (many of them) so easily in their own Country, where they are made Slaves to one another, or taken Captive by their Enemies.

The Children belong to the Master of the Woman that bears them; and such as are born of a Negroe and an European are called Molattoes; but such as are born of an Indian and Negroe are called Mustees.

Their Work is to take Care of the Stock, and plant Corn, Tobacco, Fruits, &c. which is not harder than Thrashing, Hedging, or Ditching; besides, tho' they are out in the violent Heat, wherein they delight, yet in wet or cold Weather there is little Occasion for their working in the Fields, in which few will let them be abroad, lest by this means they might get sick or die, which would prove a great Loss to their Owners, a good Negroe being sometimes worth three (nay four) Score Pounds Sterling, if he be a Tradesman; so that upon this (if upon no other Account) they are obliged not to overwork them, but to cloath and feed them sufficiently, and take Care of their Health.

Several of them are taught to be Sawyers, Carpenters, Smiths, Coopers, &c. and though for the most Part they be none of the aptest or nicest; yet they are by Nature cut out for hard Labour and Fatigue, and will perform tolerably well; though they fall much short of an Indian, that has learn'd and seen the same Things; and those Negroes make the best Servants, that have been Slaves in their own Country; for they that have been Kings and great Men there are generally lazy, haughty, and obstinate; whereas the others are sharper, better humoured, and more laborious.

The Languages of the new Negroes are various harsh Jargons, and their Religions and Customs such as are best described by Mr. Bosman in his Book intitled (I think) A Description of the Coasts of Africa.

The Virginia Planters readily learn to become good Mechanicks in Building, wherein most are capable of directing their Servants and Slaves.

As for Timber they abound with excellent good; having about eight Sorts of Oak, several Kinds of Walnut-Tree, and Hickory and Pignut, Pine, Cedar, and Cypress for Shingles; which Covering is lighter than Tiles, and being nailed down, are not easily blown off in any Tempest or Gust.

The Oak, &c. is of quick Growth, consequently will not last so long as ours; though it has a good Grain, and is freer from Knots, and will last long enough for Shipping, and ordinary Uses.

When a Tract of Land is seated, they clear it by felling the Trees about a Yard from the Ground, lest they should shoot again. What Wood they have Occasion for they carry off, and burn the rest, or let it lie and rot upon the Ground.

The Land between the Logs and Stumps they how up, planting Tobacco there in the Spring, inclosing it with a slight Fence of cleft Rails. This will last for Tobacco some Years, if the Land be good; as it is where fine Timber, or Grape Vines grow.

Land when tired is forced to bear Tobacco by penning their Cattle upon it; but Cowpen Tobacco tastes strong, and that planted in wet marshy Land is called Nonburning Tobacco, which smoaks in the Pipe like Leather, unless it be of a good Age.

When Land is tired of Tobacco, it will bear Indian Corn or English Wheat, or any other European Grain or Seed, with wonderful Increase.

Tobacco and Indian Corn are planted in Hills as Hops, and secured by Wormfences, which are made of Rails supporting one another very firmly in a particular Manner.

Tobacco requires a great deal of Skill and Trouble in the right Management of it.

They raise the Plants in Beds, as we do Cabbage Plants; which they transplant and replant upon Occasion after a Shower of Rain, which they call a Season.

When it is grown up they top it, or nip off the Head, succour it, or cut off the Ground Leaves, weed it, hill it; and when ripe, they cut it down about six or eight Leaves on a Stalk, which they carry into airy Tobacco Houses; after it is withered a little in the Sun, there it is hung to dry on Sticks, as Paper at the Paper-Mills; when it is in proper Case, (as they call it) and the Air neither too moist, nor too dry, they strike it, or take it down, then cover it up in Bulk, or a great Heap, where it lies till they have Leisure or Occasion to stem it (that is pull the Leaves from the Stalk) or strip it (that is take out the great Fibres) and tie it up in Hands, or streight lay it; and so by Degrees prize or press it with proper Engines into great Hogsheads, containing from about six to eleven hundred Pounds; four of which Hogsheads make a Tun, by Dimension, not by Weight; then it is ready for Sale or Shipping.

There are two Sorts of Tobacco, viz. Oroonoko the stronger, and Sweetscented the milder; the first with a sharper Leaf like a Fox's Ear, and the other rounder and with finer Fibres: But each of these are varied into several Sorts, much as Apples and Pears are; and I have been informed by the Indian Traders, that the Inland Indians have Sorts of Tobacco much differing from any planted or used by the Europeans.

The Indian Corn is planted in Hills, and weeded much as Tobacco.

This Grain is of great Increase and most general Use; for with this is made good Bread, Cakes, Mush, and Hommony for the Negroes, which with good Pork and Potatoes (red and white, very nice and different from ours) with other Roots and Pulse, are their general Food.

Indian Corn is the best Food for Cattle, Hogs, Sheep and Horses; and the Blades and Tops are excellent Fodder, when well cured, which is commonly used, though many raise good Clover and Oats; and some have planted Sanfoin, &c.

In the Marshes, and Woods, and old Fields is good Range for Stock in the Spring, Summer, and Fall; and the Hogs will run fat with certain Roots of Flags and Reeds, which abounding in the Marshes they root up and eat.

Besides, at the Plantations are standard Peach-Trees, and Apple-Trees, planted out in Orchards, on Purpose almost for the Hogs.

The Peaches abound, and are of a delicious Taste, and Apple-Trees are raised from the Seeds very soon, which kind of Kernel Fruit needs no grafting, and is diversify'd into numberless Sorts, and makes, with good Management, an excellent Cyder, not much inferior to that of Herefordshire, when kept to a good Age; which is rarely done, the Planters being good Companions and Guests whilst the Cyder lasts. Here Cherries thrive much better (I think) than in England; tho' the Fruit-Trees soon decay, yet they are soon raised to great Perfection.

As for Wool, I have had near as good as any near Leominster; and it might be much improved if the Sheep were housed every Night, and foddered and littered as in Urchinfield, where they have by such Means the finest Wool; but to do this, would be of little Use, since it is contrary to the Interest of Great Britain to allow them Exportation of their Woollen Manufactures; and what little Woollen is there made might be nearly had as cheap, and better from England.

As for Provision, there is Variety of excellent Fish in great Plenty easily taken; especially Oysters, Sheepsheads, Rocks, large Trouts, Crabs, Drums, Sturgeons, &c.

They have the same tame Fowl as in England, only they propagate better; but they exceed in wild Geese and Ducks, Cohoncks, Blew-Wings, Teal, Blew-Wings, Teal, Swans, and Mallard.

Their Beef and Veal is small, sweet, and fat enough; their Pork is famous, whole Virginia Shoots being frequently barbacued in England; their Bacon is excellent, the Hams being scarce to be distinguished from those of Westphalia; but their Mutton and Lamb some Folks don't like, though others extol it. Their Butter is good and plentiful enough. Their Venison in the lower Parts of the Country is not so plentiful as it has been, tho' there be enough and tolerably good; but in the Frontier Counties they abound with Venison, wild Turkies, &c. where the common People sometimes dress Bears, whose Flesh, they say, is not to be well distinguished from good Pork or Bacon.

They pull the Down of their living Geese and wild and tame Ducks, wherewith they make the softest and sweetest Beds.

The Houses stand sometimes two or three together; and in other Places a Quarter, half a Mile, or a Mile, or two, asunder, much as in the Country in England.

Chap. V.

Of the Habits, Customs, Parts, Imployments, Trade, &c. of the Virginians; and of the Weather, Coin, Sickness, Liquors, Servants, Poor, Pitch, Tar, Oar, &c.

The Habits, Life, Customs, Computations, &c. of the Virginians are much the same as about London, which they esteem their Home; and for the most Part have contemptible Notions of England, and wrong Sentiments of Bristol, and the other Out-Ports, which they entertain from seeing and hearing the common Dealers, Sailors, and Servants that come from those Towns, and the Country Places in England and Scotland, whose Language and Manners are strange to them; for the Planters, and even the Native Negroes generally talk good English without Idiom or Tone, and can discourse handsomly upon most common Subjects; and conversing with Persons belonging to Trade and Navigation from London, for the most Part they are much civilized, and wear the best of Cloaths according to their Station; nay, sometimes too good for their Circumstances, being for the Generality comely handsom Persons, of good Features and fine Complexions (if they take Care) of good Manners and Address. The Climate makes them bright, and of excellent Sense, and sharp in Trade, an Ideot, or deformed Native being almost a Miracle.

Thus they have good natural Notions, and will soon learn Arts and Sciences; but are generally diverted by Business or Inclination from profound Study, and prying into the Depth of Things; being ripe for Management of their Affairs, before they have laid so good a Foundation of Learning, and had such Instructions, and acquired such Accomplishments, as might be instilled into such good natural Capacities. Nevertheless thro' their quick Apprehension, they have a Sufficiency of Knowledge, and Fluency of Tongue, tho' their Learning for the most Part be but superficial.

They are more inclinable to read Men by Business and Conversation, than to dive into Books, and are for the most Part only desirous of learning what is absolutely necessary, in the shortest and best Method.

Having this Knowledge of their Capacities and Inclination from sufficient Experience, I have composed on Purpose some short Treatises adapted with my best Judgment to a Course of Education for the Gentlemen of the Plantations; consisting in a short English Grammar; an Accidence to Christianity; an Accidence to the Mathematicks, especially to Arithmetick in all its Parts and Applications, Algebra, Geometry, Surveying of Land, and Navigation.

These are the most useful Branches of Learning for them, and such as they willingly and readily master, if taught in a plain and short Method, truly applicable to their Genius; which I have endeavoured to do, for the Use of them, and all others of their Temper and Parts.

They are not very easily persuaded to the Improvement of useful Inventions (except a few, such as Sawing Mills) neither are they great Encouragers of Manufactures, because of the Trouble and certain Expence in Attempts of this kind, with uncertain Prospect of Gain; whereas by their staple Commodity, Tobacco, they are in hopes to get a plentiful Provision; nay, often very great Estates.

Upon this Account they think it Folly to take off their Hands (or Negroes) and employ their Care and Time about any thing, that may make them lessen their Crop of Tobacco.

So that though they are apt to learn, yet they are fond of, and will follow their own Ways. Humours, and Notions, being not easily brought to new Projects and Schemes; so that I question, if they would have been imposed upon by the Missisippi or South-Sea or any other such monstrous Bubbles.

In their Computations of Time, Weights and Measures both of Length, Superficies, and Solidity, they strictly adhere to what is legal; not running into precarious Customs, as they do in England. Thus their Quart is the true Winchester, their Hundred is 100, not 112, and they survey Land by Statute Measure.

Indeed, what English Coin is there, is advanced in Value; so that a Shilling passes for 14 d. and a Guinea goes by Tale for 26 s. but the Current Money is the Spanish which in Reality is about 15 l. per Cent. inferior to our English Coin, as settled by Law; but frequently the Value of this varies in Respect of Sterling Bills according to the Circumstances of Trade; Currency and Sterling being sometimes at a Par; but for the Generality 10 per Cent. Discount is allowed for Sterling Bills.

As for Education several are sent to England for it; though the Virginians being naturally of good Parts, (as I have already hinted) neither require nor admire as much Learning, as we do in Britain: yet more would be sent over, were they not afraid of the Small-Pox, which most commonly proves fatal to them.

But indeed when they come to England they are generally put to learn to Persons that know little of their Temper, who keep them drudging on in what is of least Use to them, in pedantick Methods, too tedious for their volatile Genius.

For Grammar Learning taught after the common round-about Way is not much beneficial nor delightful to them; so that they are noted to be more apt to spoil their School-Fellows than improve themselves; because they are imprisoned and enslaved to what they hate, and think useless, and have not peculiar Management proper for their Humour and Occasion.

A civil Treatment with some Liberty, if permitted with Discretion is most proper for them, and they have most Need of, and readily take polite and mathematical Learning; and in English may be conveyed to them (without going directly to Rome and Athens) all the Arts, Sciences, and learned Accomplishments of the Ancients and Moderns, without the Fatigue and Expence of another Language, for which most of them have little Use or Necessity, since (without another) they may understand their own Speech; and all other Things requisite to be learn'd by them sooner and better.

Thus the Youth might as well be instructed there as here by proper Methods, without the Expence and Danger of coming hither; especially if they make Use of the great Advantage of the College at Williamsburgh, where they may (and many do) imbibe the Principles of all human and divine Literature, both in English and in the learned Languages.

By the happy Opportunity of this College may they be advanced to religious and learned Education, according to the Discipline and Doctrine of the established Church of England; in which Respect this College may prove of singular Service, and be an advantageous and laudable Nursery and strong Bulwark against the contagious dissentions in Virginia; which is the most ancient and loyal, the most plentiful and flourishing, the most extensive and beneficial Colony belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, upon which it is most directly dependant; wherein is establish'd the Church of England free from Faction and Sects, being ruled by the Laws, Customs, and Constitutions of Great Britain, which it strictly observes, only where the Circumstances and Occasion of the Country by an absolute Necessity require some small Alterations; which nevertheless must not be contrary (though different from and subservient) to the Laws of England.

Though the Violence of neither Whig nor Tory reigns there, yet have they Parties; for the very best Administration must expect to meet with some Opposition in all Places; especially where there is a Mixture of People of different Countries concerned, whose Education and Interest may propose to them Notions and Views different from each other.

Most other Plantations, especially they that are granted away to Proprietors, are inferior to Virginia: where the seeming Interest and Humour of the Owners often divert them from Pursuit of the most proper Methods; besides, they cannot have such a right Claim to the Favour of the Crown, nor demand its best Protection, since they may often interfere with its Interest: whereas Virginia is esteemed one of the most valuable Gems in the Crown of Great Britain.

Thus Virginia having to itself (with Maryland) the staple Commodity of Tobacco, has a great Advantage of all other Plantations on the Continent for the Encouragement of the Crown; whereas others belonging to Gentlemen, or having no peculiar Trade, cannot expect such Power to advance and promote their Interest.

To this add, that Virginia equals, if not exceeds, all others in Goodness of Climate, Soil, Health, Rivers, Plenty, and all Necessaries, and Conveniencies of Life: Besides she has, among others, these particular Advantages of her younger Sister Maryland, viz. Freedom from Popery, and the Direction of Proprietors; not but that Part of Virginia, which is between the Rivers Potowmack and Rappahannock belongs to Proprietors, as to the Quit-Rent; yet the Government of these Counties (called the Northern Neck) is under the same Regulation with the other Parts of the Country.

If New England be called a Receptacle of Dissenters, and an Amsterdam of Religion, Pensylvania the Nursery of Quakers, Maryland the Retirement of Roman Catholicks, North Carolina the Refuge of Run-aways, and South Carolina the Delight of Buccaneers and Pyrates, Virginia may be justly esteemed the happy Retreat of true Britons and true Churchmen for the most Part; neither soaring too high nor drooping too low, consequently should merit the greater Esteem and Encouragement.

The common Planters leading easy Lives don't much admire Labour, or any manly Exercise, except Horse-Racing, nor Diversion, except Cock-Fighting, in which some greatly delight. This easy Way of Living, and the Heat of the Summer makes some very lazy, who are then said to be Climate-struck.

The Saddle-Horses, though not very large, are hardy, strong, and fleet; and will pace naturally and pleasantly at a prodigious Rate.

They are such Lovers of Riding, that almost every ordinary Person keeps a Horse; and I have known some spend the Morning in ranging several Miles in the Woods to find and catch their Horses only to ride two or three Miles to Church, to the Court-House, or to a Horse-Race, where they generally appoint to meet upon Business; and are more certain of finding those that they want to speak or deal with, than at their Home.

No People can entertain their Friends with better Cheer and Welcome; and Strangers and Travellers are here treated in the most free, plentiful, and hospitable Manner; so that a few Inns or Ordinaries on the Road are sufficient.

As to the Weather, the Spring and Fall are not unlike those Seasons in England, only the Air is never long foggy, nor very cloudy; but clear, sometimes of a bluish Colour, occasioned by the thin Smoak, dispersed in the Air, from the Flames of the Woods and Leaves, which are fired in Hunting, to drive the Beasts from their lurking Places; or in the Spring to burn the old Leaves and Grass, that there may be the better Pasture the next Summer.

The Months of December, January and February are generally much colder, and June, July and August are much hotter than in England; tho' sometimes 'tis on a sudden very cool in Summer, and pretty warm in Winter, the Weather being governed by the Wind; which with sudden Storms from the North-West, and sometimes from the West and South-West bring violent Gusts or Tempests, with Thunder, Lightning, and Rain very terrible, but soon over.

The North West Winds are exquisitely sharp and cold, proceeding from Clouds arising from the vast Lakes and prodigious snowy Mountains that lie to that Quarter; but the Southerly Winds and others are very warm.

The Days and Nights are there always much nearer the Equality of twelve Hours, than in the Latitude of England.

At the sudden Changes of the Weather, from Heat to Cold, People are apt to take Cold, often neglecting to shift their Cloaths with the Weather; which with Abundance of Damps and Mists from the Water, and by eating too plentifully of some delicious Fruits, makes the People subject to Feavers and Agues, which is the Country Distemper, a severe Fit of which (called a Seasoning) most expect, some time after their Arrival in that Climate; but the Goodness of God has furnished us with a perfect Catholicon for that Sickness, viz. the Bark; which being taken and repeated in a right Manner, seldom fails of a Cure, unless the morbifick Matter comes to a Head again from fresh Causes, and so returns with Mastery; upon which Recourse must be had to the same specifick Remedy; besides which there are several Ways of Cure, but none so universal and sure as that.

Some for Want of timely Care, through Ignorance or Obstinacy, will permit the Distemper to lurk about them so long, till at last it has reduced them to an irrecoverable, lingering, ill Habit of Body; especially if they live meanly, drinking too much Water, and eating too much salt Meat; and this Cachexy generally ends their Lives with a Dropsy, Consumption, the Jaundice, or some such Illness.

Besides this, some are troubled with the dry Gripes, proceeding from Colds (I suppose) which take away for a long Time the Use of the Limbs of some, especially hard Drinkers of Rum; some that have lain out in mighty cold Weather have been Frost-bitten, and lost their Fingers or Toes.

There is no Danger of wild Beasts in traveling; for the Wolves and Bears, which are up the Country, never attack any, unless they be first assaulted and hurt; and the Wolves of late are much destroyed by Virtue of a Law, which allows good Rewards for their Heads with the Ears on, to prevent Imposition and cheating the Publick; for the Ears are crop'd when a Head is produced.

The Bears are also much destroyed by the Out-Planters, &c. for the Sake of their Flesh and Skins.

As for Rattle-Snakes, &c. they make off from you, unless you by Carelesness chance to tread on them; and then their Bite is found now not to be mortal, if Remedies can be applied in Time.

The worst Inconveniency in travelling a-cross the Country, is the Circuit that must be taken to head Creeks, &c. for the main Roads wind along the rising Ground between the Rivers, tho' now they much shorten their Passage by mending the Swamps and building of Bridges in several Places; and there are established Ferries at convenient Places, over the great Rivers; but in them is often much Danger from sudden Storms, bad Boats, or unskilful or wilful Ferrymen; especially if one passes in a Boat with Horses, of which I have great Reason to be most sensible by the Loss of a dear Brother at Chickohomony Ferry, in Feb. 1723/4.

As for their Drink, good Springs of excellent Water abound every where almost, which is very cooling and pleasant in Summer, and the general Drink of abundance: not so much out of Necessity, as Choice.

Some Planters, &c. make good small Drink with Cakes of Parsimmons a kind of Plumbs, which grow there in great Plenty; but the common small Beer is made of Molossus, which makes extraordinary brisk good tasted Liquor at a cheap Rate, with little Trouble in brewing; so that they have it fresh and fresh, as they want it in Winter and Summer.

And as they brew, so do they bake daily, Bread or Cakes, eating too much hot and new Bread, which cannot be wholsom, tho' it be pleasanter than what has been baked a Day or two.

Some raise Barley and make Malt there, and others have Malt from England, with which those that understand it, brew as good Beer as in England, at proper Seasons of the Year; but the common strong Malt-Drink mostly used, is Bristol Beer; of which is consumed vast Quantities there yearly; which being well brew'd and improv'd by crossing the Sea, drinks exceedingly fine and smooth; but Malt Liquor is not so much regarded as Wine, Rack, Brandy, and Rum, Punch, with Drams of Rum or Brandy for the common Sort, when they drink in a Hurry.

The common Wine comes from Madera or Phial, which moderately drank is fittest to cheer the fainting Spirits in the Heat of Summer, and to warm the chilled Blood in the bitter Colds of Winter, and seems most peculiarly adapted for this Climate: Besides this, are plentifully drank with the better Sort, of late Years, all Kinds of French, and other European Wine, especially Claret and Port.

Here is likewise used a great deal of Chocolate, Tea and Coffee, which, with several Sorts of Apparel, they have as cheap, or cheaper than in England, because of the Debenture of such Goods upon their Exportation thither: Besides, they are allowed to have Wines directly from Madera, and other Commodities are brought from the West-Indies, and the Continent, which cannot be brought to England without spoiling.

As for grinding Corn, &c. they have good Mills upon the Runs and Creeks: besides Hand-Mills, Wind-Mills, and the Indian Invention of pounding Hommony in Mortars burnt in the Stump of a Tree, with a Log for a Pestle hanging at the End of a Pole, fix'd like the Pole of a Lave.

Though they are permitted to trade to no Parts but Great Britain, except these Places: yet have they in many Respects better and cheaper Commodities than we in England, especially of late Years; for the Country may be said to be altered and improved in Wealth and polite Living within these few Years, since the Beginning of Col. Spotswood's Government, more than in all the Scores of Years before that, from its first Discovery. The Country is yearly supplied with vast Quantities of Goods from Great Britain, chiefly from London, Bristol, Liverpool, Whitehaven, and from Scotland.

The Ships that transport these Things often call at Ireland to victual, and bring over frequently white Servants, which are of three Kinds. 1. Such as come upon certain Wages by Agreement for a certain Time. 2. Such as come bound by Indenture, commonly call'd Kids, who are usually to serve four or five Years; and 3. those Convicts or Felons that are transported, whose Room they had much rather have than their Company; for abundance of them do great Mischiefs, commit Robbery and Murder, and spoil Servants, that were before very good: But they frequently there meet with the End they deserved at Home, though indeed some of them prove indifferent good. Their being sent thither to work as Slaves for Punishment, is but a mere Notion, for few of them ever lived so well and so easy before, especially if they are good for any thing. These are to serve seven, and sometimes fourteen Years, and they and Servants by Indentures have an Allowance of Corn and Cloaths, when they are out of their Time, that they may be therewith supported, till they can be provided with Services, or otherwise settled. With these three Sorts of Servants are they supplied from England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, among which they that have a Mind to it, may serve their Time with Ease and Satisfaction to themselves and their Masters, especially if they fall into good Hands.

Except the last Sort, for the most Part who are loose Villains, made tame by Wild, and then enslaved by his Forward Namesake: To prevent too great a Stock of which Servants and Negroes many Attempts and Laws have been in vain made.

These if they forsake their Roguery together with the other Kids of the later Jonathan, when they are free, may work Day-Labour, or else rent a small Plantation for a Trifle almost; or else turn Overseers, if they are expert, industrious, and careful, or follow their Trade, if they have been brought up to any; especially Smiths, Carpenters, Taylors, Sawyers, Coopers, Bricklayers, &c. The Plenty of the Country, and the good Wages given to Work-Folks occasion very few Poor, who are supported by the Parish, being such as are lame, sick, or decrepit through Age, Distempers, Accidents, or some Infirmities; for where there is a numerous Family of poor Children the Vestry takes Care to bind them out Apprentices, till they are able to maintain themselves by their own Labour; by which Means they are never tormented with Vagrant, and Vagabond Beggars, there being a Reward for taking up Run-aways, that are at a small Distance from their Home; if they are not known, or are without a Pass from their Master, and can give no good Account of themselves, especially Negroes.

In all convenient Places are kept Stores or Ware-Houses of all Sorts of Goods, managed by Store-Keepers or Factors, either for themselves or others in the Country, or in Great Britain.

This Trade is carried on in the fairest and genteelest Way of Merchandize, by a great Number of Gentlemen of Worth and Fortune; who with the Commanders of their Ships, and several Virginians (who come over through Business or Curiosity, or often to take Possession of Estates, which every Year fall here to some or other of them) make as considerable and handsom a Figure, and drive as great and advantageous a Trade for the Advancement of the Publick Good, as most Merchants upon the Royal-Exchange.

At the Stores in Virginia, the Planters, &c. may be supplied with what English Commodities they want.

The Merchants, Factors, or Store-Keepers in Virginia buy up the Tobacco of the Planters, either for Goods or current Spanish Money, or with Sterling Bills payable in Great Britain.

The Tobacco is rolled, drawn by Horses, or carted to convenient Rolling Houses, whence it is conveyed on Board the Ships in Flats or Sloops, &c.

Some Years ago there was made an Act to oblige all Tobacco to be sent to convenient Ware-Houses, to the Custody and Management of proper Officers, who were by Oath to refuse all bad Tobacco, and gave printed Bills as Receipts for each Parcel or Hogshead; which Quantity was to be delivered according to Order upon Return of those Bills; and for their Trouble and Care in viewing, weighing, and stamping, the Officers were allowed 5 s. per Hogshead.

The Intent of this Law was to improve the Commodity, prevent Frauds in publick Payments; and for Ease of the common Planters, and Expedition and Conveniency of Shipping.

But though the first Design was for publick Tobacco only, yet the private Crops of Gentlemen being included in the Law, was esteemed a great Grievance; and occasioned Complaints, which destroyed a Law, that with small Amendments might have proved most advantageous.

The Abrogation of this Law reduced the Sailors to their old Slavery of rolling the Tobacco in some Places; where they draw it for some Miles, as Gardeners draw a Roller, which makes them frequently curse the Country, and thro' Prejudice give it a very vile Character.

The Tobacco purchased by the Factors or Store-Keepers, is sent Home to their Employers, or consign'd to their correspondent Merchants in Great Britain.

But most Gentlemen, and such as are beforehand in the World, lodge Money in their Merchant's Hands here, to whom they send their Crop of Tobacco, or the greatest Part of it.

This Money is employed according to the Planter's Orders; chiefly in sending over yearly such Goods, Apparel, Liquors, &c. as they write for, for the Use of themselves, their Families, Slaves and Plantations; by which Means they have every Thing at the best Hand, and the best of its Kind.

Besides English Goods, several Merchants in Virginia import from the West-Indies great Quantities of Rum, Sugar, Molossus, &c. and Salt very cheap from the Salt Islands; which Things they purchase with Money, or generally with Pork, Beef, Wheat, Indian-Corn, and the like.

In some of the poorer Parts of the Country abounding in Pine, do they gather up the Light-wood, or Knots of the old Trees, which will not decay, which being piled up (as a Pit of Wood to be burnt to Charcoal) and encompassed with a Trench, and covered with Earth, is set on Fire; whereby the Tar is melted out, and running into a hole is taken up, and filled into Barrels; and being boiled to a greater Consistency becomes Pitch.

Of Pitch and Tar they send Home great Quantities, though not near so much at North Carolina, which formerly was the South Part of Virginia; but has long since been given away to Proprietors, tho' the Bounds between the Colony of Virginia, and the Government of North Carolina are disputed; so that there is a very long List of Land fifteen Miles broad between both Colonies (called the disputed Bounds) in due Subjection to neither; which is an Asylum for the Runagates of both Countries.

The greatest Part of Virginia is uneven: and near the Water they are free from great Stones, Rocks, and high Hills; but far in the Country they have vast Rocks, Stones, and Mountains; and though in the Salts there is no Stone for Lime nor Building; (but with Oyster-Shells they make good Lime and enough) yet up the Freshes, and above the Falls of the Rivers are discovered free and common Stone of several Sorts, among which may be expected Lime-Stone.

Here are also vast Quantities of Iron Oar, and various Kinds of Minerals, whose Nature and Vertues are as yet undiscovered.

Moses's Words of Exhortation to the Israelites for Obedience to God's Laws, Deut. viii. 6, 7, 8, 9, may be applied to the Virginians; and particularly when he saith that God had brought them into a Land whose Stones are Iron; and for what we know the following Words may also be applied to them, when he saith out of the Hills of that Land might be digged Brass, for which there is no small Prospect and Expectation; and in all Probability there may be found the nobler Metals of Gold and Silver, if we did but search for them in the Bowels of the Earth, if we would but be at the Expence and Trouble to seek for them.

Why may not our Mountains in America, for what we know, be as rich as those of Mexico and Peru in the same Country? Since the little Hills so plentifully abound with the belt of Iron; for the digging, melting, working, and Exportation whereof Providence has furnish'd us with all wonderful Conveniences; if we would add but a little Expence, Art, and Industry.

This Iron has been proved to be good, and 'tis thought, will come at as cheap a Rate as any imported from other Places; so that 'tis to be hoped Col. Spotswood's Works will in a small Time prove very advantageous to Great Britain, which undoubtedly will be carried to great Perfection and universal Benefit, by his skilful Management and indefatigable Application to such noble Undertakings and glorious Projects.

Chap. VI.

Of Germanna, the Palatines, Wine, Hemp, Flax, Silk, Sumack, Trees, Fruits, Coals, the Tracts of Land, Health, Militia, the Mannacan Town, Titles, Levies, Burgesses, Laws, and general Assembly.

Beyond Col. Spotswood's Furnace above the Falls of Rappahannock River within View of the vast Mountains, he has founded a Town called Germanna, from some Germans sent over thither by Queen Anne, who are now removed up farther: Here he has Servants and Workmen of most handy-craft Trades; and he is building a Church, Court-House and Dwelling-House for himself; and with his Servants and Negroes he has cleared Plantations about it, proposing great Encouragement for People to come and settle in that uninhabited Part of the World, lately divided into a County.

Beyond this are seated the Colony of Germans or Palatines, with Allowance of good Quantities of rich Land, at easy or no Rates, who thrive very well, and live happily, and entertain generously.

These are encouraged to make Wines, which by the Experience (particularly) of the late Col. Robert Beverly, who wrote the History of Virginia, was done easily and in large Quantities in those Parts; not only from the Cultivation of the wild Grapes, which grow plentifully and naturally in all the good Lands thereabouts, and in the other Parts of the Country; but also from the Spanish, French, Italian, and German Vines, which have been found to thrive there to Admiration.

Besides this, these Uplands seem very good for Hemp and Flax, if the Manufacture thereof was but encouraged and promoted thereabouts; which might prove of wonderful Advantage in our Naval Stores and Linens.

Here may likewise be found as good Clapboards, and Pipe-Staves, Deals, Masts, Yards, Planks, &c. for Shipping, as we are supplied with from several other Countries, not in his Majesty's Dominions.

As for Trees, Grain, Pults, Fruits, Herbs, Plants, Flowers, and Roots, I know of none in England either for Pleasure or Use, but what are very common there, and thrive as well or better in that Soil and Climate than this for the generality; for though they cannot brag of Gooseberries and Currants, yet they may of Cherries, Strawberries, &c. in which they excel: Besides they have the Advantage of several from other Parts of America, there being Heat and Cold sufficient for any; except such as require a continual Heat, as Lemons and Oranges, Pine-Apples, and the like, which however may be raised there with Art and Care.

The worst Thing in their Gardens, that I know, is the Artichoak; but this I attribute to Want of Skill and good Management.

Mulberry Trees and Silkworms thrive there to Admiration, and Experience has proved that the Silk Manufacture might be carried on to great Advantage.

There is Coal enough in the Country, but good Fire-Wood being so plentiful that it encumbers the Land, they have no Necessity for the Trouble and Expence of digging up the Bowels of the Earth, and conveying them afterwards to their several Habitations.

There grows Plenty of Sumack, so very useful in the Dying Trade.

The Land is taken up in Tracts, and is Freehold by Patent under the King, paying two Shillings as a yearly Quit-Rent for every hundred Acres.

Most Land has been long since taken up and seated, except it be high up in the Country.

For surveying of Land, when any is taken up, bought, exchanged, or the Right contested, there is appointed a Surveyor in each County, nominated and examined by the Governors of the College, in whose Gift those Places are under the Surveyor General.

But of this I may be more particular upon another Occasion; only I shall here observe, that every five or seven Years all People are obliged to go a Procession round their own Bounds, and renew their Landmarks by cutting fresh Notches in the boundary Trees.

Sometimes whole Plantations are sold, and at other Times small Habitations and Lands are let; but this is not very common, most having Land of their own; and they that have not think to make more Profit by turning Overseers, or by some other better Ways, than by Farming.

Though now Land sells well there, in a few Years it will be more valued, since the Number of Inhabitants encreases so prodigiously; and the Tracts being divided every Age among several Children (not unlike Gavel Kind in Kent and Urchinfield) into smaller Plantations; they at Length must be reduced to a Necessity of making the most of, and valuing a little, which is now almost set at Nought.

In general the Country of Virginia is plentiful, pleasant and healthy; especially to such as are not too fond of the Customs and Way of living they have been used to elsewhere; and to such as will endeavour at first to bear with some small Matters, and wean themselves, and make every Change as agreeable as they can.

Without such Proceeding the best Country in the World would not please them; since wherever they go from Home they must certainly find many Things different from what they have been accustomed to.

As for Health, I think this Climate as good as any with Care, though some Constitutions can be well in no Air, let them do what they will, and the stoutest cannot be always Proof against Sickness, be they in never so healthy a Country; and in all Places with Care People may enjoy a good Share of Health, if they have any tolerable good Constitution; if they avoid Heats and Colds, Intemperance, and all Manner of Excesses.

In each Country is a great Number of disciplin'd and arm'd Militia, ready in Case of any sudden Irruption of Indians or Insurrection of Negroes, from whom they are under but small Apprehension of Danger.

Up James River is a Colony of French Refugees, who at the Mannacan Town live happily under our Government, enjoying their own Language and Customs.

The Gentlemen of the Country have no other distinguishing Titles of Honour, but Colonels and Majors and Captains of the Militia, except the Honourable the Council, and some commissioned in Posts by his Majesty or his Orders, who are nominated Esquires: but there is one Baronet's Family there, viz. Sir William Skipwith's.

The Taxes or Levies are either publick, County, or Parish; which are levied by the Justices or Vestries, apportioning an equal Share to be paid by all Persons in every Family above Sixteen; except the white Women, and some antiquated Persons, who are exempt.

The Payment is Tobacco, which is sold or applied in Specie to the Use intended.

The publick Levy is for the Service of the Colony in General, the County Levy is for the Use of the County, collected by the Sheriff's and their Offices and Receivers; and the Parish Levy is for its own particular Use, collected by the Church-Wardens for Payment of the Minister, the Church, and Poor.

There are two Burgesses elected by the Free-holders, and sent from every County; and one for James Town, and another for the College; these meet, choose a Speaker, &c. and proceed in most Respects as the House of Commons in England, who with the Upper House, consisting of the Governor and Council, make Laws exactly as the King and Parliament do; the Laws being passed there by the Governor, as by the King here.

All the Laws and Statutes of England before Queen Elizabeth are there in Force, but none made since; except those that mention the Plantations, which are always specified in English Laws, when Occasion requires.

The General Assembly has Power to make Laws, or repeal such others, as they shall think most proper for the Security and Good of the Country, provided they be not contradictory to the Laws of England, nor interfering with the Interest of Great Britain; these Laws are immediately in Force there, and are transmitted hither to the Lords of the Plantations and Trade for the Royal Assent; after which they are as obligatory as any Laws can possibly be; but of late all Laws relating to Trade must be sent Home before they be of any Validity; which makes some occasional Laws upon certain Emergencies altogether useless; since the intended Opportunity may be pass'd, before they are returned back to Virginia; and so signify nothing to the Purpose.

All Laws that the King dislikes upon the first Perusal, are immediately abrogated.

Thus in State Affairs Liberty is granted, and Care is taken to make such Laws from Time to Time, as are different from the Laws in England, whenever the Interest or Necessity of the Country, or the Nature of the Climate, and other Circumstances shall require it.

PART III.

Of the State of the Church and Clergy of Virginia.

Though Provision is made, and proper Measures are taken to make Allowances and Alterations in Matters of Government, State and Trade; yet in Matters of Religion, there has not been the Care and Provision that might be wished and expected.

For the Country requires particular Alterations and Allowances in some indifferent spiritual Concernments, as well as in temporal Affairs, which might be done without deviating in the least from the Principles and Practice of the Establish'd Church of England; and instead of encouraging Dissentions, or Heresy, or Schism, or Irreligion, would be a sure Means always to prevent them, were such small Alterations regularly established in some Things indifferent, as might best agree with the Conveniency and Nature of the Colony: for it is impossible for a Clergyman to perform this Duty according to the literal Direction of the Rubrick; for were he too rigorous in these Respects by disobliging and quarrelling with his Parish, he would do more Mischief in Religion, than all his fine Preaching and exemplary Life could retrieve; A short Narrative of which Case of the Church I transmitted Home to the late Bishop of London, by Order and Appointment of a late Convention, in a Representation of some Ecclesiastical Affairs; but the Nature of this may more fully appear by the following Account.

This, with all the other Plantations, is under the Care of the Bishop of London, who supplies them with what Clergymen he can get from England, Scotland, Ireland, and France. The late Bishop appointed the Reverend Mr. James Blair to be his Commissary, who is likewise President of the College, and one of the Council. He by the Bishop's Order summoned the Clergy to Conventions, where he sate as Chairman; but the Power of Conventions is very little, as is that of the Commissary at present. Visitations have been in vain attempted; for the corrupt Abuses and Rigour of Ecclesiastical Courts have so terrified the People, that they hate almost the very Name, and seem more inclinable to be ruled by any other Method, rather than the present spiritual Courts. Differences and great Disputes frequently arise between the Governor and the People, concerning the Presentation, Collation, Institution, and Induction to Livings; and it is scarce yet decided distinctly who have the Right of giving Parishes to Ministers, whether the Governors or the Vestries, though the best of Council have been applied to for their Opinion; for their Sentiments are not obligatory.

The Vestries consist of the Minister, and twelve of the most substantial and intelligent Persons in each Parish. These at first were elected by the Parish by Pole, and upon Vacancies are supplied by Vote of the Vestry; out of them a new Church-Warden is annually chosen, under (as it were) the Instruction of the old one chosen the Year before. By the Vestry are all parochial Affairs managed, such as the Church, Poor, and the Minister's Salary.

The Clerk in Case of the Minister's Death or Absence has great Business, and is a kind of Curate, performing frequently all the Offices of the Church, except the two Sacraments and Matrimony; but 'tis Pity but his Practices were better regulated, and Sets of Sermons also appointed for his Purpose; for in several Places the Clerks are so ingenious or malicious, that they contrive to be liked as well or better than the Minister, which creates Ill-Will and Disturbance, besides other Harm. In some Places they read the Lessons, publish Banns, &c. when the Minister is present, for his Ease; which first may not be improper in very hot Weather, or if the Minister be sick or infirm, if the Clerk can read tolerably well. Likewise might they be allowed to bury when a Minister cannot possibly be had before the Corpse would corrupt in hot Weather; but little more should be granted them, since some Places long accustomed to hear only their Clerk read Prayers and Sermons at Church, have no right Notions of the Office, Respect, and Dignity of a Clergyman. For registering Births and Burials, there is a small Allowance which is generally given to the Clerk, who takes that Trouble off the Minister's Hands. The Use of this is to know the Number of Tythables, for laying of Levies, and for other Occasions, and Lists of these Registers are delivered into the Hands of proper Officers. The Parishes being of great Extent (some sixty Miles long and upwards) many dead Corpses cannot be conveyed to the Church to be buried: So that it is customary to bury in Gardens or Orchards, where whole Families lye interred together, in a Spot generally handsomly enclosed, planted with Evergreens, and the Graves kept decently: Hence likewise arises the Occasion of preaching Funeral Sermons in Houses, where at Funerals are assembled a great Congregation of Neighbours and Friends; and if you insist upon having the Sermon and Ceremony at Church, they'll say they will be without it, unless performed after their usual Custom. In Houses also there is Occasion, from Humour, Custom sometimes, from Necessity most frequently, to baptize Children and church Women, otherwise some would go without it. In Houses also they most commonly marry, without Regard to the Time of the Day or Season of the Year. Though the Churches be not consecrated by Bishops, yet might there be some solemn Dedication prescribed for setting them apart for sacred Uses; which would make People behave themselves with greater Reverence than they usually do, and have a greater Value for the House of God and holy Things.

Their Churches were formerly built of Timber, but now they build them of Brick, very strong and handsome, and neatly adorned; and when any Church is gone to Decay, or removed to a more convenient Place, they enclose the old one with a Ditch.

Though Persons are admitted to the Lord's Supper there, that never were confirmed by the Bishop, yet might there be certain Examinations as preparatory Qualifications, which would lay the Sureties and Parents of Children baptized, under a Necessity of taking Care of them, as to a pious Education, and would make them be obliged to know more of their Duty than they generally do.

For this End I have composed (as I before hinted) an Accidence to Christianity, being a short Introduction to the Principles and Practices of Christians, collected out of the Church Catechism, the thirty nine Articles, Hammond's Practical Catechism, Grotius of the Truth of the Christian Religion, and the whole Duty of Man.

Out of which may be extracted a brief Examination for Communicants before their first Admittance; which may be done by the Minister, if he had Orders and Directions for it. By this Means the People would attain to better Notions of Religion (and many more would be Communicants, who now abstain totally through Fear or Ignorance) were the first true Principles timely instilled into them in a brief Method; for any Thing tedious soon tires them, and will not obtain the desired Effect. In several Respects the Clergy are obliged to omit or alter some minute Parts of the Liturgy, and deviate from the strict Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church; to avoid giving Offence, through Custom, or else to prevent Absurdities and Inconsistencies. Thus Surplices, disused there for a long Time in most Churches, by bad Examples, Carelesness and Indulgence, are now beginning to be brought in Fashion, not without Difficulty; and in some Parishes where the People have been used to receive the Communion in their Seats (a Custom introduced for Opportunity for such as are inclined to Presbytery to receive the Sacrament sitting) it is not an easy Matter to bring them to the Lord's Table decently upon their Knees.

The last Injunction in the Form of Publick Baptism is most properly omitted there, wherein the Godfathers and Godmothers are ordered to take Care that the Child be brought to the Bishop to be confirmed, which for the most Part would prove impracticable.

It would be improper for the Chaplain of the Honourable the Assembly and others, to use the Prayers for the High Court of Parliament verbatim, for they cannot know whether the Parliament sits in England then; and their Intent is to pray for the Assembly and the King's Dominions; so that the Prayer must be altered in several Respects.

'Tis Pity but the Prayer was altered, and allowed for the Assembly, Governor and Council; of which we have an Instance in Irish Common Prayer Books.

Every Minister is a kind of Independent in his own Parish, in Respect of some little particular Circumstances and Customs, to which they are often occasionally obliged; but this Liberty without Restraint may prove of bad Consequence hereafter; when the bad Tenets and Discipline of any heterodox, libertine, or fantastical Persons may plead Prescription for their Establishment, and be difficult to be eradicated.

In most Parishes are Schools (little Houses being built on Purpose) where are taught English and Writing; but to prevent the sowing the Seeds of Dissention and Faction, it is to be wished that the Masters or Mistresses should be such as are approved or licensed by the Minister, and Vestry of the Parish, or Justices of the County; the Clerks of the Parishes being generally most proper for this Purpose; or (in Case of their Incapacity or Refusal) such others as can best be procured.

As for baptizing Indians and Negroes, several of the People disapprove of it; because they say it often makes them proud, and not so good Servants: But these, and such Objections, are easily refuted, if the Persons be sensible, good, and understand English, and have been taught (or are willing to learn) the Principles of Christianity, and if they be kept to the Observance of it afterwards; for Christianity encourages and orders them to become more humble and better Servants, and not worse, than when they were Heathens.

But as for baptizing wild Indians and new Negroes, who have not the least Knowledge nor Inclination to know and mind our Religion, Language and Customs, but will obstinately persist in their own barbarous Ways; I question whether Baptism of such (till they be a little weaned of their savage Barbarity) be not a Prostitution of a Thing so sacred.

But as for the Children of Negroes and Indians, that are to live among Christians, undoubtedly they ought all to be baptized; since it is not out of the Power of their Masters to take Care that they have a Christian Education, learn their Prayers and Catechism, and go to Church, and not accustom themselves to lie, swear and steal, tho' such (as the poorer Sort in England) be not taught to read and write; which as yet has been found to be dangerous upon several political Accounts, especially Self-Preservation.

In every Parish there is allotted for the Minister a convenient Dwelling-House and a Glebe of about two hundred and fifty Acres of Land, with a small Stock of Cattle ready in some Places, as James Town.

The Salary of the Minister is yearly 16000, and in some Parishes 20000 l. of Tobacco; out of which there is a Deduction for Cask, prizing, collecting, &c. about which Allowance there are sometimes Disputes, as are also Differences often about the Place, Time, and Manner of delivering it; but all these Things might easily be regulated.

Tobacco is more commonly at 20 s. per Cent. than at 10; so that certainly, (communibus annis) it will bring 12 s. 8 d. a hundred, which will make 16000 (the least Salary) amount to 100 l. per Ann. which it must certainly clear, allowing for all petty Charges, out of the Lowness of the Price stated, which is less than the Medium between ten and twenty Shillings; whereas it might be stated above the Medium, since it is oftener at twenty than ten Shillings.

Besides the Glebe and Salary, there is 20 s. for every Wedding by License, and 5 s. for every Wedding by Banns, with 40 s. for a Funeral Sermon, which most of the middling People will have.

This one would think should be sufficient Encouragement for Clergymen of good Lives and Learning (that are not better provided for elsewhere) to go over and settle there; if they considered rightly the little Danger and Fatigue they may expose themselves to, the great Good they may do, and what Advantages they may reap with good Conduct and right Management of their Fortunes and Conversations.

The Parishes are large, but then the Inhabitants are but thin; and there are Chapels of Ease in large Parishes, at which there is divine Service in Turns with the Churches; and frequently upon a Vacancy some neighbouring Clergyman does the Duty of another Parish besides his own, on some Week-Day, for which he has the Salary, till it can be better supplied.

Many Disputes and Differences arise between some of the Clergy and People; but this generally proceeds from the uncertain and precarious Footing of Livings, and some Disputes about the Nature and Manner of the Payment of the established Salary; which though it may be esteemed sufficient, yet is not so well regulated, as might be wished and expected in such a great Colony of so long a standing, and free from the Molestation of Church Faction, and Dissenters.

Besides the Payment of the Salary, the Surplice Fees want a better Regulation in the Payment; for though the Allowance be sufficient, yet Differences often and Ill-Will arise about these Fees, whether they are to be paid in Money or Tobacco, and when; whereas by a small Alteration and Addition of a few Laws in these and the like Respects, the Clergy might live more happy, peaceable, and better beloved; and the People would be more easy, and pay never the more Dues.

The Establishment is indeed Tobacco, but some Parts of the Country make but mean and poor, so that Clergymen don't care to live in such Parishes; but there the Payment might be made in Money, or in the Produce of those Places, which might be equivalent to the Tobacco Payments; better for the Minister, and as pleasing to the People.

Some Clergymen are indeed unskilful in, and others are not studious of, reconciling their own Interest and Duty with the Humour and Advantage of the People, especially at their first coming, when many Things seem very odd to them; being different to what they have been heretofore accustomed to.

These Things often occasion Uneasiness to the Ministers themselves, and the People; but for the Generality they that have a Mind to do their Duty, and live happily (with some Caution and Care) may live with as much Satisfaction, Respect, Comfort, and Love, as most Clergymen in England.

'Tis to be hoped and wished, that as the Government of England have of late taken it into their Consideration to encourage more Clergymen to go over; so they may give Instructions and Directions for the Advantage and Happiness of both the Clergy and Laity, by rectifying and settling some Affairs belonging to the Church of Virginia; and providing such Laws as are wanting or requisite to be altered in Respect of the Clergy; a full and true Account of whom I have here given (as much as the Scope of this Treatise would admit of) to the best of my Knowledge.

This I have committed to Paper, for the better Information of such as may in any Respect be concerned in Affairs relating to Virginia, especially its Government, Religion, and Trade: For without exact Notions of the Temper, Lives, and Manners of the People, and the Nature and Produce of the Country, none can frame a correct Judgment of what is most proper to be added, altered, or continued, nor know what Steps are to be taken for the Advancement of either the publick or private Good of that Colony, in Respect either of Church, State, or Trade.

Another Inducement for my writing this, was for the Encouragement and Intelligence of such good Clergymen and others, as are inclinable to go and settle there; and for the Information of all that are desirous of knowing how People live in other Countries, as well as their own; together with an Intent to vindicate this Country from the unjust Reflections which are vulgarly cast on it; and to wean the World from the unworthy despicable Notions, which many entertain concerning his Majesty's Dominions in North America; where is Room and Imployment enough for all that want Business or a Maintenance at Home, of all Occupations; and where, if they be not their own Enemies, they might live much better than ever they did in England; which blessed Opportunity of favourable Providence may give great Comfort to any good Folks that are in poor unfortunate Circumstances.

PART IV.

Of Authors concerning Virginia, and its publick Officers, Guard-Ships, and the State of Maryland and North Carolina. The Conclusion.

In the Miscellanea Curiosa is publish'd Mr. Clayton's fine Description of Virginia, and Col. Robert Beverley has wrote a good History of it; but neither is so particular as this, as to its present Condition; so that as they are Supplements to Captain Smith's History, this may be an Abridgment and Appendix to them all.

True Accounts of this Country are difficult to be had; for they that have lived there any Time in any Repute and Business, seldom come to settle in England; and the Sailors for the greatest Part can give no more true Relations of the Nature of the Country, than a Country Carrier can write a Description of London, and relate the Politicks of Court, and Proceedings of Parliament; for they see and know but little of the Matter, and that the very worst.

Others, by Reason of their short Stay, or for want either of Opportunity, Learning, or Capacity, can neither make right Remarks and correct Observations, nor describe Things in their proper Colours and true Lustre; and moreover some are prevailed upon through Interest, Prejudice, Spite, or Fancy, to conceal or misrepresent Things: Besides, they that have been there formerly know little, but the very worst of the present State of the Country.

The Laws of that Plantation are collected into a Body and published; and whatever (of any Moment and worth Notice) is not mentioned in this Treatise, or in the Books aforementioned, must be supposed to correspond exactly with the Customs and Things in Great Britain, particularly in and about London; from all which any one that is either obliged or inclin'd may have sufficient Accounts of the large, increasing, flourishing, and happy Colony of Virginia.

The present Governor is the Right Honourable the Earl of Orkney, whose Lieutenant Governor is Hugh Drysdale, Esq;

The Council are these Twelve.

Edmund Jennings, Esq; President.
The Rev. Mr. James Blair.
Robert Carter, | | Esquires.
William Bird,
Philip Ludwell,
John Lewis,
John Harrison,
Mann Page,
Cole Digges,
Peter Beverley,
John Robinson,
John Carter,

The Secretary is John Carter, | | Esquires.
The Attorney-General is John Clayton,
The Receiver General is John Graham,
The Auditor is John Harrison,

The best List that I can collect or form of the Officers of the Customs, is this.

l.

James River.

Upper District.

Mr. John Banister, Collector,
supplied by
Col. William Randolph

40

Col. Francis Lightfoot, Surveyor | —
Lower District. | | Mr. Thomas Mitchel, Collector | 100
Mr. —— Irvin, Surveyor | —

Elizabeth River | ________ Surveyor ________ | 45

York River. | | Mr. John Ambler, Collector | 40
Mr. William Robertson, Surveyor | —

Rappahannock River.

Sir William Johnson, or
Mr. Richard Chichister, Collector

80

Mr. Christopher Robinson, Surveyor | —

South Potowmack | ________ Collector ________ | 80

Cape Charles. | Mr. Griffith Bowen, Surveyor | 100

Accomack and
Northampton Counties.

Mr. Henry Scarburgh, Collector

50

These have some considerable Perquisites besides their Salaries; for which they give Attendance and perform their Duty after the same Manner as the Officers in the Rivers and Ports do in Great Britain.

To guard the Coasts from the Ravages of Pyrates, Men of War are frequently stationed there; but they are not at all under the Direction of the Governor upon Emergencies, tho' he be titular Admiral of those Seas; but had he some Command over Men of War, 'tis thought it might be of great Service to the Country, and Security and Advantage to the Merchants and others.

Maryland in most Respects in an inferior Degree agrees with Virginia, only their Laws and some Customs are particular; and tho' the Church of England be the established Church there, and handsom Provision be made for the Clergy, yet they have many Papists, and several Dissenters; which last may be supposed to be encouraged thro' Jesuitical Views to distract and subvert the Church of England.

As for North Carolina it is vastly inferior, its Trade is smaller, and its Inhabitants thinner, and for the most Part poorer than Virginia; neither is their Government extraordinary, tho' they have some good Laws, and there is some good Living in this large Country, in which is Plenty of good Provision.

As for Churches there are but very few; and I knew of but one Minister in the whole Government, and he (for what Reasons I know not) had no great Faculty of influencing the People, and is lately removed thence; so that much Religion cannot be expected among a Collection of such People as fly thither from other Places for Safety and Livelihood, left to their own Liberty without Restraint or Instruction.

Many there have I (with Sorrow) seen ten or fifteen Years old, who have never had the Opportunity of Baptism, which they joyfully receive.

Col. Frederick Jones, one of the Council, and in a good Post, and of a good Estate in North Carolina, before his Death applied to me, desiring me to communicate the deplorable State of their Church to the late Bishop of London; assuring me that if the Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts would contribute and direct them, the Government there would join in establishing by Law such Maintenance as might be sufficient for some Clergymen to settle among them.

I acted according to his Request, but never heard of the Event of this Application.

For Want of Clergy the Justices of the Peace marry, and other Laymen perform the Office of Burial.

The common nominal Christians live there not much better than Heathens; the pious Endeavours of the Society having been frequently disappointed either by their not having full Knowledge of the Country and People (and so pursue not the most proper Methods) or else because they have had the Misfortune sometimes to pitch upon Persons, that have not answered the End of their Calling and Mission.

By these Means the State of the Church in North Carolina is very miserable; which is of greatest Moment, and requires the most charitable Direction and Christian Assistance; not only for the Conversion of the Indians and Baptism of Negroes there, but for the Christening and Recovery to the Practical Profession of the Gospel great Numbers of English, that have but the bare Name of God and Christ; and that too frequently in nothing but vain Swearing, Cursing, and Imprecations.

May all these vast Countries grow in Grace, and encrease in spiritual Blessings, and temporal Prosperity.

May all the Ends of the World see and pursue rightly the Salvation of God, and know and believe that there is none other Name given under Heaven, by and thro' whom they may be saved, but only the Name of Jesus Christ.

May God's Kingdom be established in the true Church in America, as well as England; and may it be truly said, blessed be the Lord God of Shem; for his is the Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory, for ever and ever. Amen.

APPENDIX.

It being observed by some Gentlemen of Distinction, that in the foregoing Account of Virginia, I hinted at some Things, wherein Addition, Alteration, or Improvement of some Methods and Laws, seem'd absolutely requisite for the Advancement of Religion and Learning, and the Promotion of Arts and Trade; it was therefore thought not improper to annex the following Schemes upon those Subjects; wherein I deliver my Sentiments in as free and plain a Manner as I can, specifying what Redundancies or Deficiencies occur to my Opinion; and humbly recommending such Measures as my Imagination dictates to be most proper for the Interest and Prosperity of Virginia, &c. in Conjunction with the publick Good of Great Britain.

The first of these Schemes, I submit with the greatest Humility, to the candid Censure and Consideration of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, to whose Protection Virginia Learning and Education ought to be recommended, as he is Chancellor of the College of William and Mary.

The next Scheme most properly claims the favourable Patronage of the Lord Bishop of London, to whose careful Management the Church of Virginia belongs.

The two last are more particularly offered to the Perusal of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, and the worthy Virginia Merchants.

But forasmuch as Virginia is the Scene of Action for all these Schemes, therefore is each of them humbly presented to the Virginia Gentry; particularly to the honourable the Lieutenant Governor, the Council, the House of Burgesses, the Clergy and the President, Rector and Governors of the College of the most antient and loyal Colony of Virginia.

If any thing here offered be dislik'd, I willingly shall submit to censure when disproved and confuted; mean while hope that nothing here mentioned or proposed will be taken amiss, since this Work was purposely undertaken with a sincere Intention of publick Good; therefore I have Expectation that it will find a kind Reception with all publick-spirited, and unprejudiced Persons.

Scheme I.

Of Education in Virginia.

The Royal Founders of William and Mary College, with Prospect of doing the greatest Good for the Colonies of Virginia and Maryland, conferred this princely Donation upon them; and were seconded with the ample Benefaction of the honourable Mr. Boyle, and the Contributions of the Country. But this underwent the common Fate of most other charitable Gifts of this Kind, having met with several Difficulties to struggle with in its Infancy; but the most dangerous was, that it was as it were no sooner finished, but it was unfortunately and unaccountably consumed to Ashes. Yet observe the wonderful Turns of Fortune, and Power of Providence. This College, Phœnix-like, as the City of London, revived and improved out of its own Ruins. But though it has found such unexpected Success, and has proved of very great Service already; yet is it far short of such Perfection, as it might easily attain to by the united Power of the Persons concerned about this important Foundation.

For it is now a College without a Chapel, without a Scholarship, and without a Statute.

There is a Library without Books, comparatively speaking, and a President without a fix'd Salary till of late: A Burgess without certainty of Electors; and in fine, there have been Disputes and Differences about these and the like Affairs of the College hitherto without End.

These Things greatly impede the Progress of Sciences and learned Arts, and discourage those that may be inclined to contribute their Assistance or Bounty towards the Good of the College.

Nevertheless the Difficulties of this Kind might be removed by some such Regulations as follow, viz.

Let none be permitted to teach School in any Parish, but such as shall be nominated by the Minister and Vestry, and licensed by the President of the College.

Let such Lads as have been taught to read and instructed in the Grounds of the English Language in those Schools, be admitted into the Grammar School at the College, if they pass Examination before the President and Masters; together with such Youth as shall be sent from Maryland, who have a Right to be educated at this College.

Provided always that the Number of Grammar Scholars shall never exceed one Hundred.

Let them be boarded and lodged in the Dormitory, as they are at present; or upon such Terms as may from Time to Time seem most proper to the President and Masters, or to the Governors, till a Transfer be obtained.

These Lads should be two Years under the Care of the Usher, and two more under the Grammar Master; and by them instructed in Latin and Greek, in such Methods as the President and Masters shall direct.

And during these four Years, at certain appointed Times they should be taught to write as they now are in the Writing-School, or in such Methods as the President and Masters may judge better: There also should the Writing Master teach them the Grounds and Practice of Arithmetick, in order to qualify such for Business, as intend to make no farther Progress in Learning.

Out of the Grammar School should be yearly elected by the President and Masters [or Professors] five Scholars upon the Foundation, who should be allowed their Board, Education, and Lodging in proper Apartments gratis; and should also be provided with Cloaths and Gowns, &c. after the Charter-House Method.

These Scholars should continue three Years upon the Foundation; during which Time, at appointed Terms they should be instructed in Languages, in Religion, in Mathematicks, in Philosophy, and in History, by the five Masters or Professors appointed for that Purpose; who with the Grammar Master make up the Number appointed by the Charter.

Besides the Scholars, the Professors should for a certain Sum instruct such others as may be enter'd Commoners in the College out of the Grammar School, or from elsewhere, by the Approbation of the President and Masters, who should be obliged to wear Gowns, and be subject to the same Statutes and Rules as the Scholars; and as Commoners are in Oxford. These should maintain themselves, and have a particular Table, and Chambers for their Accommodation.

For to wait at the four high Tables hereafter mentioned, there should be elected by the President and Masters four Servitors, who should have their Education, and such Allowances, as the Servitors in Oxford.

Such Scholars, Commoners, and Servitors, as have behaved themselves well, and minded their Studies for three Years, and can pass proper Examination, and have performed certain Exercises, should have the Degree of a Batchellor of Arts conferred upon them; should eat at a Table together, and be distinguished by a peculiar Habit; maintain themselves, be subject to certain Rules, and pursue proper Studies; being allowed the Use of the Library as well as the Masters, paying proper Fees upon their Admission for the Good of the Library.

Out of these Batchellors should be yearly elected by the Presidents and Masters, one Fellow to be allowed 20 l. for his Passage to England, and 20 l. per Ann. for three Years after his speedy Entrance and Continuance in some certain College in Oxford or Cambridge; after which he should commence Master of Arts; which Degree, with all others in our Universities, should be conferred in the same Manner in this College by the President and Masters.

Out of the Graduates above Batchellors should the Masters or Professors be chosen by the Election of the said Masters or Professors, with the President; who also every seven Years should chose a new Chancellor, to whose Determination all Disputes and Differences should be referred.

And when the President's Place is vacant, it should be filled by such of the Masters as has belonged first to the College.

A Testimonium from this College should be of the same Use and Force as from others in our Universities.

If the present Fund be insufficient to defray the Expence, proper Improvement should be made of the Revenue, and Application made for additional Benefactions.

A Body of Statutes should be directly formed and establish'd by the Visitors, President, and Masters; and a Transfer of the Trust should be then made.

Such an Establishment would encourage the bright Youth of Virginia to apply to their Studies, and in some Measure would compel them to improve themselves; whereas now being left to their own Liberty, they proceed but superficially, and generally commence Man before they have gone through the Schools in the College. Here too would be great Inducements for their Friends to advise and persuade them to go through with their Learning; when they are certain, that they will thus be regularly improved, and have Prospect of a cheap Education, and Hopes of the best Preferment in their Country in Church and State; and have equal (if not superior) Chance with others for Promotion abroad in the World; being bred compleat Gentlemen and good Christians, and qualified for the Study of the Gospel, Law, or Physick; and prepared for undertaking Trade, or any useful Projects and Inventions.

As for the Accomplishments of Musick, Dancing, and Fencing, they may be taught by such as the President and Masters shall appoint at such certain Times, as they shall fix for those Purposes.

'Till these Regulations (or the like) be made, Matters may be carried on as they are at present; only to me there seems an absolute Necessity now for a Professor of Divinity, in order to instruct the Indians and English Youth there in the Grounds of Religion, and read Lectures of Morality to the senior Lads, and to read Prayers and preach in the College as Chaplain: This I am certain is very much wanting, and what the present Income of the College with good Management will easily allow of; therefore I hope particular Notice will be taken hereof.

There is as yet no great Occasion for the Hall, so that it might be made a Chapel and Divinity-School, for which Purpose it would serve nobly with little or no Alterations.

As there is lately built an Apartment for the Indian Boys and their Master, so likewise is there very great Occasion for a Quarter for the Negroes and inferior Servants belonging to the College; for these not only take up a great deal of Room and are noisy and nasty, but also have often made President and others apprehensive of the great Danger of being burnt with the College, thro' their Carelessness and Drowsiness.

Another thing prejudicial to the College, is the Liberty allowed the Scholars, and the negligent Observance of College Hours, and the Opportunity they have of rambling Abroad.

To remedy this, there is wanting some Contrivance to secure the Youth within the College at certain Hours; which has hitherto been in vain attempted, because of the many Servants lodged in the College, and the several Doors and Ways to get out of it.

Likewise the Privileges and Apartments of the President and Masters, and House-Keeper, &c. ought to be fix'd and ascertain'd; for these being precarious and doubtful, upon this Account has arose much Difference and Ill-Will, to the great Scandal of the College, and Detriment of Learning.

Little additional Charge would put the Government of the College upon a much better Footing; whereas at present it scarcely merits the name of a College.

As for Election of a Burgess in Pursuance to a Clause in the Charter, he ought to be chosen by the President and as many Masters as there shall actually be at any Time.

The Charter mentions six Masters or Professors, but does not specify the Professions; it directs to the making of Statutes and founding Scholarships, but the particulars are left to the Discretion of the Managers; and some such Establishment as this here mentioned may not be improper, especially if for greater Encouragement the Surveyors of each County were to be appointed by the President and Masters, out of such as have taken a Batchellor of Arts Degree there; and if also the Governor and Council were to elect a certain Number of Batchellors for Clerks into the Secretaries Office; out of which Clerks attending and writing there at certain Times, the County Clerks should be appointed by the Secretary.

The Office of the President would be to govern the College, be Treasurer, and Censor, and have a casting Vote in all Debates.

The six Professors or Masters would be

one for | | Divinity, who should be Chaplain and Catechist.
Mathematicks.
Philosophy.
Languages.
History.
Humanity, who should be Grammar Master.

The under Masters would be the Usher, the Indian Master, and the Writing-Master.

The Town Masters must be such as occasion requires, for Fencing, Dancing, and Musick.

There would be three English Fellows.

There would be fifteen Scholars, and a sufficient Number of School-Boys for a constant Supply.

Besides a Number of Batchellors and Masters of Arts, who would wait till they came in Fellows or Professors, or got to be made Surveyors or County Clerks.

For all this there might easily be contrived Room in the College, especially if a Hall was built in the Place intended for the Chapel.

As also would there be Room enough for the House-Keeper, Officers, and Servants; especially if a Quarter was built for the Negroes, &c.

The Tables might then be distinguish'd into four higher or four lower, viz.

The upper Table for the President and Masters.
The second for the Masters of Arts, &c.
The third for the Batchellors of Arts.
The fourth for the Scholars and Commoners.
The four lower Tables should be
The first for the House-Keeper, and the upper School-Boys.
The second for the Usher, Writing-Master, and the lower School-Boys.
The third for the Servitors and College Officers.
And the last for the Indian Master and his Scholars.

This Regularity might easily be effected, and would prove not only decent and creditable, but also useful and advantageous to the Country and the College.

The Library is better furnished of late than formerly, by the kind Gifts of several Gentlemen; but yet the Number of Books is but very small, and the Sets upon each Branch of Learning are very imperfect, and not the best of the Sort.

To remedy this Defect proper Application should be made to the Societies and to the superior Clergy in England, who would give at least what Duplicates they have upon such an useful Occasion; and what necessary Collection of Books cannot be obtain'd by begging, they may buy as soon as they shall be able to stock their Library; as a great Help to which I believe considerable Contributions would be made by the Clergy, Burgesses, and Gentry of the Country, if upon easy Terms they were allowed the Use of the Library at certain Hours, at such Times as they shall be at Williamsburgh, either for Pleasure or upon Business.

The Office of Librarian is given to Mr. John Harris the Usher, in order to make his Place more agreeable to his Merit; and if the Gardener was made to execute the Office of Porter for his present Salary, it would be no great Hardship upon him, and would be an Ease to the College; and for the Benefit and Encouragement of the House-Keeper several small necessary Pensions and Privileges might be contrived more than what are at present allowed; so that it might be made well worth the while of a Person of Integrity, Knowledge, and Prudence, to undertake and carry on so troublesom an Office.

The greater the Number of Collegians, the greater would be the Gain of the House-Keeper; so that when the College should be full and compleat as here directed and wished, the Collegians may be boarded upon easier Terms; boarded I say; because if any but the President dieted themselves, it would create Confusion; and if any belonging to the College but such Masters as have Families were permitted to eat elsewhere, it would not be worth any body's while to lay in Provision, when they could not tell what Number they must provide for.

As for the English College Customs of Commons, &c. it is thought as yet more adviseable to board in the College than to keep to those Methods, till the Country affords better Conveniencies and Opportunities for so doing.

The Indians who are upon Mr. Boyle's Foundation have now a handsom Apartment for themselves and their Master, built near the College, which useful Contrivance ought to be carried on to the utmost Advantage in the real Education and Conversion of the Infidels; for hitherto but little Good has been done therein, though abundance of Money has been laid out, and a great many Endeavours have been used, and much Pains taken for that Purpose.

The young Indians, procured from the tributary or foreign Nations with much Difficulty, were formerly boarded and lodged in the Town; where abundance of them used to die, either thro' Sickness, change of Provision, and way of Life; or as some will have it, often for want of proper Necessaries and due Care taken with them. Those of them that have escaped well, and been taught to read and write, have for the most Part returned to their Home, some with and some without Baptism, where they follow their own savage Customs and heathenish Rites.

A few of them have lived as Servants among the English, or loitered and idled away their Time in Laziness and Mischief.

But 'tis great Pity that more Care is not taken about them, after they are dismissed from School.

They have admirable Capacities when their Humours and Tempers are perfectly understood; and if well taught, they might advance themselves and do great Good in the Service of Religion; whereas now they are rather taught to become worse than better by falling into the worst Practices of vile nominal Christians, which they add to their own Indian Manners and Notions.

To prevent this therefore, let there be chosen continually four Indian Servitors out of the Indian School, as the other four out of the Grammar School.

Let these be maintained in the Indian House, and wait upon the four lower Tables: Let them be instructed as the other Servitors, or as their Genius most aptly may require, but particularly in Religion; and when they are found qualified let them be sent to England, or placed out to Captains of Ships or Trades, as the Mathematical Boys in Christ-Hospital, for a few Years; then let them return and be allowed a small Exhibition, and encouraged in their separate Callings and Occupations; and let them settle some among the English, and others return to their own Nations.

Undoubtedly many of them would become excellent Artists and Proficients in Trade; and thus when Reason and Experience has convinced them of the Preference of our Religion and Manners, certainly they may not only save their own Souls; but also be extreamly instrumental in the Conversion of their barbarous Friends and Relations.

In proceeding thus, any that seem capable or inclinable to study Divinity, should by all Means be encouraged and forwarded in it, and sent over for a small Time to one of our Universities with an Allowance of a Fellow; after which, if such were admitted into Orders, and then sent out Missionaries among their own Country-Folks, what great Good might we not expect from such, when throughly converted and instructed in Christianity, and made truly sensible of the Advantages of Religion, the deadly State of Infidelity, and the miserable Lives and Customs of the Indians?

In a Work of this Kind undoubtedly several good Christians would contribute their charitable Assistance; 'till which the present Fund should be applied in this Method, though the Managers should be obliged to reduce the Number of Indian Scholars upon this Account; since this was the main Intent of the Benefaction, and no other Method can well answer this Design; which may be evidenced by Experience both from the Colleges of Virginia and New England too, as I have been credibly informed from good Authors, as well as my own Experience.

By such Methods in Process of Time might the Indian Obstinacy be mollified, their seeming Dulness might be cleared from Rust; and the Gates of Heaven be opened for their Admission upon their perfect Conversion to the Faith of Christ. In such glorious Designs as these neither should Humour, Interest, nor Prejudice divert any from their charitable Assistance therein, especially such as are concerned in Affairs of this Kind, and engaged by Duty to lend their best Aid in leading the Infidels into the Pale of Christ's Church, and making them by mild and most gentle Measures to accompany his Flock; since all the Force in the World would rather drive them from, than guide them, to the Congregation of the Faithful and Communion of Saints.

By some such prudent and mild Methods alone may they be made to live and die as true Christians, and not like the most savage Brutes, as they generally do.

Thus far as to the Education of the young Men in Virginia, and the Instruction most proper for the Indians; and as for the Negroes each Owner ought to take Care that the Children born his Property, and all his intelligent adult Negroes be taught their Catechism and some short Prayers, be made to frequent the Church and be baptized, and hindered as much as may be from Swearing, Lying, Intemperance, Prophaneness, and Stealing and Cheating.

Finally, as to the Education of Girls, it is great Pity but that good Boarding Schools were erected for them at Williamsburgh and other Towns.

Scheme II.

Of Religion in Virginia.

It is an Opinion as erroneous as common, that any sort of Clergymen will serve in Virginia; for Persons of immoral Lives, or weak Parts and mean Learning, not only expose themselves, but do great Prejudice to the Propagation of the Gospel there; and by bad Arguments or worse Example, instead of promoting Religion, become Encouragers of Vice, Profaneness, and Immorality. Whereas were such confined to the narrow Limits of a Parish or two in England, where their Knowledge and their Name would scarce extend farther than the Circumference of their own Country; then neither could their bad Learning nor Example propagate so much Mischief, as when sent Abroad into the World among bright and observing People. Neither do they want quarrelsom and litigious Ministers, who would differ with their Parishioners about insignificant Trifles, who had better stay at Home and wrangle with their own Parishes, which is not so great a Novelty here as there. Neither would they have meer Scholars and Stoicks, or Zealots too rigid in outward Appearance, as they would be without loose and licentious Profligates; these do Damage to themselves, to others, and to Religion.

And as in Words and Actions they should be neither too reserved nor too extravagant; so in Principles should they be neither too high nor too low: The Virginians being neither Favourers of Popery nor the Pretender on the one Side, nor of Presbytery nor Anarchy on the other; but are firm Adherents to the present Constitution in State, the Hanover Succession and the Episcopal Church of England as by Law established; consequently then if these are the Inclinations of the People, their Ministers ought to be of the same Sentiments, equally averse to papistical and schismatical Doctrines, and equally free from Jacobitish and Oliverian Tenets. These I confess are my Principles, and such as the Virginians best relish, and what every good Clergyman and true Englishman (I hope) will favour; for such will never refuse to say with me

God bless the Church, and George its Defender,
Convert the Fanaticks, and baulk the Pretender.

For our Sovereign is undoubtedly the Defender and Head of our national Church of England, in which Respect we may pray for the King and Church; but Christ is the Head of the Universal or Catholick Church, in which Respect we wish Prosperity to the Church and King.

Clergymen for Virginia should be of such Parts, Tempers, and Notions as these. They likewise should be Persons that have read and seen something more of the World, than what is requisite for an English Parish; they must be such as can converse and know more than bare Philosophy and speculative Ethicks, and have studied Men and Business in some measure as well as Books; they may act like Gentlemen, and be facetious and good-humour'd, without too much Freedom and Licentiousness; they may be good Scholars without becoming Cynicks, as they may be good Christians without appearing Stoicks. They should be such as will give up a small Matter rather than create Disturbance and Mischief; for in all Parishes the Minister as well as the People should pass by some little Things, or else by being at Variance the best Preaching may have the worst Effect; yet they must not condescend too far, nor part with a material Right, but must be truly zealous and firm in every good Cause both publick and private. There are many such worthy, prudent, and pious Clergymen as these in Virginia, who meet with the Love, Reputation, Respect, and Encouragement that such good Men may deserve and expect: However, there have been some whose Learning, Actions, and Manners have not been so good as might be wished; and others by their outward Behaviour have been suspected to have been, some Jacobites, and others Presbyterians inwardly in their Hearts.

In Virginia there is no Ecclesiastical Court, so that Vice, Prophaneness, and Immorality are not suppressed so much as might be: The People hate the very Name of the Bishop's Court. There are no Visitations, so that the Churches are often not in the best Repair, nor as decently adorned as might be; neither in some Places can the Lord's Supper be administer'd with such holy Reverence as it should be, for want of proper Materials and Utensils. The Churches being not consecrated are not enter'd with such reverent Demeanour, as ought to be used in God's holy Tabernacle.

For want of Confirmation Persons are admitted to the holy Sacrament with mean and blind Knowledge, and poor Notions of the divine Mysteries of the Supper of the Lord; which is an Abuse of a thing so very sacred.

In North Carolina and several Parts of Virginia Children are often neglected to be baptized till they are grown up, and then perhaps may never know or never mind that they want to be christen'd; and many esteem it unnecessary.

The Clerks upon several Occasions performing too great a Share of divine Services, expose the Church to Shame and Danger, and often bring Contempt and Disdain upon the Persons and Function of the Ministers.

Ministers are often obliged to bury in Orchards, and preach Funeral Sermons in Houses, where they also generally marry and christen; and as for Weddings there is no Regard to the Time of the Day nor the Season of the Year; and in North Carolina the Justices marry.

Now to remedy all these Grievances and Deficiencies, with all Evils of the like Kind, there is an absolute Necessity for a Person whose Office upon this Occasion should be somewhat uncommon, till a Bishop be established in those Parts; who might pave out a Way for the Introduction of Mitres into the English America, so greatly wanting there. This Person should have Instructions and Power for discharging such Parts of the Office, of a Bishop, of a Dean, and of an Arch-Deacon, as Necessity requires, and the Nature of those sacred Functions will permit; and from a Medium of these three Functions he might be called Dean of Virginia; under whose Jurisdiction North Carolina might fall for the present, till the Constitution in Church and State there be better advanced.

This Person should reside in some Parish in Virginia, and be obliged to make a Progress (for the People will not approve of a Visitation) each Spring and Fall in Virginia and North Carolina, as his Discretion shall best direct him.

As for a Salary for his travelling Expences 100 l. per Ann. would suffice; and that this might not bring any new Charge upon the Publick, there should be no Fees upon any Account, neither should he put them to any Expence. This Person should be one that is popular, universally acquainted with the People, their Temper and Manners, and one respected and beloved by them; and as a farther Encouragement for him, and to support the Dignity of his Office, he should have a good convenient Parish in Virginia; and in his Absence the Clergymen there should be obliged to officiate in his Church in Turns, according to their Seniority in the Country; for the Detriment that the Parishes would suffer by the Loss of Service in their Churches one Sunday in several Years would be nothing, when compared with the Advantage they would receive in Lieu of it.

As a farther Addition to his Salary and Honour, he might be one of the Masters of the College, particularly Divinity Professor would be most suitable with his Character and Office, and more convenient for him, since he might contrive to make his Progress in the Vacation Time.

This Salary of 100 l. per Ann. might certainly be easily obtained from the Government out of the Quit-Rents, or otherwise, as the Commissary's was; which Office and Name has not appeared well-pleasing to the People and Clergy, for Reasons I can't account for: neither has it obtained the Power and good Effect as might have been expected.

This Office of Dean might be try'd for a few Years, and the Dean should be obliged to transmit Home yearly to his Diocesan the Bishop of London attested Copies of his Proceedings in his Progress; setting forth the Particulars of the Attempts that he has made, and the Good he has done, signed by the Justices and Ministers of the Place or County. The Expence of this Tryal would be but little, but the Good that might arise from hence might be unspeakable, and there can be no Hurt in it; no Incroachment upon the Privilege of the People, nor the Rights of the several Incumbents.

His Office and Duty should be to register all Letters of Orders and Credentials of Ministers, sent over by the Bishop of London, and also all Collations to Livings. To examine and confirm all Persons before they be admitted to the Lord's Supper, which Confirmation (or rather Approbation) might be done without Imposition of Hands in a peculiar Form, proper for the Circumstances of this Occasion; and the Ministers should admit none to the Sacrament without his Certificate of this their Confirmation.

He should be obliged to send the Ministers in his Progress timely Notice of his Intention, with a printed Form of his Examination and Confirmation, with Directions for the Minister to prepare and exhort the Congregation thereto. In his Progress he should preach at such vacant Churches as he passes by; baptize all Children and others that require it; and preach up the absolute Necessity of it. He should have Power to call a Vestry, and there examine whether the Church, &c. be in good Repair, and fit for the Congregation; whether it be sufficiently beautified and commodiously built and situated; whether there be Surplices, Communion-Table and Cloth, and all the Utensils required in the Canons of the Church of England.

He should enquire into the Conduct of the Minister; and likewise should he inspect into the Management of the Clerk, and prescribe him Rules and Directions in the Execution of his Office, especially where there is no Incumbent Minister, which very frequently happens in several Places for Years together.

He should see that the Lord's Supper be duly and decently administered, encourage People to frequent Communion, and instruct them in the Nature of that holy Sacrament; and as for Baptism he should see that it be rightly performed, and by the Bishop of London's Directions should prescribe the requisite Alteration in the last Clauses of the Form of Baptism; as also those Alterations wanting in the Prayer for the General Assembly, instead of the Prayer for the Parliament.

He should also visit such Sick as he passes by, and exhort all to a timely Repentance, and not (as they too often do) to defer that and the Sacrament till Death.

He should persuade and advise People as much as may be to christen, marry, and bury at Church. He should likewise enquire if there be any notorious and scandalous Livers, who by their wicked Practices give Offence to their Christian Neighbours.

He should likewise see that the divine Service be performed regularly and decently according to the Rubric, and exhort and direct thereto; with Abundance more of such Things as these, which might easily be done, if attempted in an easy, mild Manner; which might prove of wonderful Advantage to the Good of Vertue and Religion.

Though the Office of this Dean should be chiefly to inspect, exhort, reprimand, and represent, besides Confirming, and doing the common Offices of a Clergyman; yet should he and the Vestry present at the County Courts any egregious Default or Omission of the Kinds here mentioned; but here they should be very tender and cautious not to give general Offence, for Rigour will soon make such an Office odious to the People, and then it will be but of little Service.

Presentments of this kind (when any) should be made, given in, and prosecuted in the common Courts, in the same Form and Manner as common Presentments are; so that here would be no Innovation in the Proceedings.

In order to create more Respect for sacred Places and Things, the Churches and Church-Yards there should be solemnly set apart for that Purpose by the Dean, by some kind of Form of Consecration suitable to be used by a Person that is no Bishop, and agreeable to the Occasion of the Thing, and Nature of the Place.

Such a Person as this might do a vast deal of Good, and reduce the Church Discipline in Virginia to a much better Method than at present it is in: For tho' the Church of England be there established, yet by permitting too great Liberty, and by being too indifferent in many such Respects as are here specified, great Inconveniences have arose; and we may certainly expect far greater Detriment in the Church from hence, unless timely Lenitives and proper Remedies be applied, in the best Methods that can possibly be devised; some such Methods (I conceive) as these here proposed may not be esteemed least proper; and if they be rejected or despised, yet I am persuaded that they are not so insignificant as some may imagine, and not altogether so despicable as to be quite disregarded; and not thought worthy of the serious Perusal of any concerned in Affairs of this Nature.

The Method used for obtaining a Living in Virginia, is for the Party to notify his Intentions of going Abroad to the Bishop of London, to produce sufficient Testimonials of his good Life and Principles, together with his Letters of Orders; which being approved of, he has then a Licence, and Certificate, and Credentials to the Governor, with an Order upon the Treasury for 20 l. for his Passage; and upon his Arrival makes Application for some vacant Parish either to the Governor, to the Parishioners, or to both; upon whose Approbation he is admitted their Minister. But Variety of Disputes have arose from the uncertain Interpretation of the Virginia Laws relating to Livings; and though the Opinion of the best Council has been procured, yet as their Sentiments could not sufficiently settle it, so have they directly contradicted each other. Several of the People insist that they have the Right of Presentation; and on the other hand the Governor has as strenuously contested with them for his Right of Presentation in Behalf of the King; so that several that the Parishes have nominated or elected have been refused; and on the other Side, many appointed and sent by the Governor have been rejected with Disdain, Disappointment, and Ill-Will. These Elections of the People are often disagreeable to the Governor's Choice, and the People on the contrary will refuse whom they say the Governor may impose upon them, though he comes directly recommended from the Bishop; but in my Opinion their Election might be better given up, suppose they had a Right to it, since it often creates such Disturbance; and in Process of Time, who knows but they may elect and insist upon Persons unfit for the Ministry, either for their Learning, Lives, or Doctrines, and not licensed by the Bishop; and may obstinately refuse any such as comes regularly, and is presented to the Living by the Governor.

This Presentation by the Governor, who likewise as Ordinary is to institute and induct, may be termed a Collation; but there of late were not above three or four Rectors thus collated, or instituted and inducted in the whole Colony; because of the Difficulties, Surmises, Disputes, and Jealousies that arise upon such Accounts. But the Clergy standing upon this Footing are liable to great Inconveniency and Danger; for upon any small Difference with the Vestry, they may pretend to assume Authority to turn out such Ministers as thus come in by Agreement with the Vestry, who have often had the Church Doors shut against them, and their Salaries stopped, by the Order and Protection of such Vestry-Men, who erroneously think themselves the Masters of their Parson, and aver, that since they compacted but from Year to Year with him as some have done, they may turn off this their Servant when they will; be without one as long as they please, and chose another, whom and when they shall think most proper and convenient; which Liberty being granted them (I believe) some few would be content rather never to appoint a Minister, than ever to pay his Salary.

Among many Instances of these Kinds of Refusals, Ejectments, and Elections, I shall only instance that of the ingenious Mr. Bagge, who coming to England for Priest's Orders, after he had been Minister of St. Ann's for a long Time, was refused by them upon his Return, when the Governor sent him to his own Parish again; whereas they strenuously stood by Mr. Rainsford, whom they had elected and presented to the Governor. And Mr. Latané, a Gentleman of Learning and Vertue, and well beloved, was almost ejected, nay was shut out of his Church, only upon account of a small Difference and Dispute with some of his Vestry. The main Allegation they had against him was that they could not understand him, (he having a small Tang of the French) tho' they had been hearing him I think upwards of seven Years, without any Complaint of that kind till that very Time.

Governor Spotswood, to his great Honour be it spoken, always stood up for the Right of Collation, and was hearty in Vindication of the Clergy, who, as he professed in a Speech to them, certainly had not only his Protection but also his Affection; so that it is difficult to be determined in which Respect he chiefly excelled, either in being a compleat Gentleman, a polite Scholar, a good Governor, or a true Churchman.

I speak in Behalf of the Right of Presentations belonging to the Crown; because my Reason tells me that it is most equitable and most convenient for the Peace and good Government, and for the Security of the Doctrine and Discipline of the established Church of England.

Many Arguments I know are brought against it, both from apparent Reason and Interest; but all these might easily be confuted by this following Remark.

When Churches were built and endowed, as these in Virginia, by the Laity, with the Leave of the Bishop or Ordinary in antient Times, the Presentations to such Ecclesiastical Benefices were often granted away to the Families that founded such Donations, as Rewards and Encouragements of such pious Liberalities; whereas all other Preferments were invested in the Church: This I take to be the Origin of Lay-Presentations, when Gentlemen reserved this for the Benefit of some of their Posterity or Family, who might receive a Maintenance from their Bounty; which they in Reason ought to do preferable to any others who contributed nothing towards it.

But though the Virginians built and endowed their Churches, yet I never could find that they had made any such Reserve; so that the Right of Presentation must belong to the King their chief Ordinary, who never granted away to them the Title of Donation, but kept it for himself and Heirs; so though he gives them Leave to make Parishes and establish Salaries, yet he still imply'd an Obligation in them to give those Livings to whom he pleases.

This I take to be the Case, and hope I may be excused for delivering my Opinion by any that may entertain different Sentiments.

Be the Right invested in which it will, either in the Crown or in the Country, I am certain that it ought to be determined one way or other; and if it belongs to the People, yet should there be such Regulations made as might make the Livings certain, and the Lives of the Clergy as peaceable as may be.

Were the Establishment for the Clergy in Virginia a little more plain and regular, even without any additional Augmentation of their Salaries, I am sure it would be for the Good of the Clergy there, and for the Encouragement of good and ingenious Men to go over and settle there.

Some Parishes are long vacant upon Account of the badness of the Tobacco, which gives Room for Dissenters, especially Quakers, as in Nansemond County; but this might be remedied, either by making the Payments of equal Value in the other Commodities produced there, or else by a standing Order, which Governor Spotswood proposed, viz. that the Parishes longest vacant should be in their due Course first supplied; for then the good and bad would have Ministers alike in their Turns; but the Ministers must run the Risk of their Lot, though the most deserving should have the worst Parish, and the most unworthy be best preferred: but the Value of the Parishes being so nearly equivalent to each other, this small Difference might easily be made up to good Men some other way; so that this Method may not be impracticable nor improper.

Some Parishes are not conveniently divided; in some the Churches are not commodiously placed, and other Parishes are too large, others too small; but these and the like Disproportions might easily be remedied by the general Assemblies, if they unanimously set about such Divisions without being swayed by private Interest; to do which would tend to the general Good of the Clergy and Laity; but Works of this Nature, where great Numbers are concerned, are not effected without great Opposition and Difficulty.

The Buildings upon the Glebes being Timber soon decay, especially upon Vacancies; but these should be kept in due Repair continually by the Vestry: Likewise should the Dimensions and Form of the Dwelling-Houses and Out-Houses be more particularly determined, and made such as might conveniently and handsomly receive the Ministers and their Families; which would be very great Inducements for them to relinquish England for the Certainty of good Livings, good Glebes, good Accommodations, and a kind Reception. The Expence of building and repairing where most of the Materials are only an Incumbrance, would be but a Trifle to a Parish; whereas 'tis a great Expence and Trouble to a Stranger to fit up the Apartments that he finds, which are generally too small and often very ruinous. Besides this a small Stock of Hogs and Cattle upon the Glebes would be of excellent Service to Newcomers, till they can be better furnished; they being obliged to leave behind them the same Number of the same Animals. Some Glebes, as that at James Town, have this Convenience, and 'tis Pity but more Parishes followed such Examples: The prime Cost in stocking their Glebes by Degrees would be insignificant; and the chief Trouble would be for the Church-Wardens to receive the Stock from the Executors of one Incumbent, and deliver them again when there comes another.

Other Difficulties that the Clergy meet with there are the Methods of Payment, the Laws and Customs being not particular enough in this Respect; so that sometimes Tobacco cannot be got in Time convenient for the Minister, or is not delivered at a proper Place for his Interest, or is not at all good of its Kind, or not of the right Sort, or but very indifferent, such as the Receivers might have refused, or else is not pressed hard enough, which is a very great Detriment; and sometimes they will make the Ministers pay for their Cask, or for collecting, pressing, rolling their Tobacco, and making it heavy and convenient, and that at an extravagant Rate; and if a Stranger, fearful of being imposed upon, takes the Management of his Tobacco into his own Hands, he is at a Loss how to order it aright, being unacquainted with the Nature of the Commodity, and the Customs of the Country; and if one Difference arises, it frequently begets wider, though about those Things which might easily be settled, and are of but little Value in respect of their Inconveniency; so that the best way to get sweet-scented Tobacco has been declared by some to use sweet-scented Words.

Now all this should be determined, to avoid future Quarrels of this kind, which too frequently proceed from such Causes, by fixing the Times, Places, and Manner of Payment; together with a Regulation of the Allowances for collecting, pressing, and making Tobacco heavy and convenient; with an Injunction for the Payment of none but good and vendible Tobacco for parochial Dues. Whether the Parish or the Minister be to allow the Expence thereof, it might easily be determined; and if both are to join in it, this might easily be settled, by which Means abundance of Variance would be prevented, and the Incomes would be more certain, and of a good deal greater Value if the Parish did deliver good heavy Tobacco with Cask to the Minister, at Places most suitable to his own Conveniency, which I take to be the Intent of the Law, which was made for the good Payment of the Ministers. The Charge of this would be but small to a whole Parish, tho' it often falls heavy upon the Minister, especially when he meets with sharp or cross People; but in abundance of Parishes the Inhabitants are so good that they never make any Dispute about these Things, especially when they like their Minister; for that he may have any Favour of them that he in Reason may desire.

The Payment of the Surplus Fees also wants a Regulation; for when Tobacco is dear, some will pay them in Money, but when cheap they will pay Tobacco, which does not seem equitable; so that in my Opinion these Payments should always be made at certain appointed Times and in proper Methods, either in one or the other, and not left to the Humor or Discretion of the Debtor, since sometimes there is half in half Difference.

A Settlement of these Things should be made, either for the Advantage of the Clergy or People, or else a middle Expedient should be found out; since the Consequences of Disputes and Variance between Ministers and their Congregations are generally very pernicious to the Welfare, Happiness, and Tranquility of both Parties; wherefore Remedies should be applied in Time, especially in such Cases where Delays encrease the Danger; when ill Customs in Time pleading Prescription are established as firm as Median Laws, and propagate such ill Habits in the Constitution, as are most difficult to be extirpated.

As for the Establishment of Episcopacy in Virginia, it would be of excellent Service, if Caution was taken not to transplant with it the corrupt Abuses of Spiritual Courts, which the People dread almost as much as an Inquisition; but these their Fears would soon be dissipated, when by blessed Experience they might feel the happy Influence of that holy Order among them, free from the terrible Notions that Misrepresentations of regular Church Government have made them conceive.

I have often heard that there have been Intentions of this Kind; and that the main Obstacle was the Difficulty of raising a Salary sufficient to support the Dignity, and recompense the Labours of a Bishop. But this Impediment may (I presume) with good Contrivance be easily removed; for I don't at all question that the superior Clergy and Collegians in the Universities would refuse to contribute half a Crown a Year for this glorious Undertaking, or that the Inferiors would join their Shillings. This might be collected into the Treasury gratis, by the Officers of the Taxes, and might be taken off in a few Years, when upon Tryal the Usefulness of a Bishop upon the Continent of North America was confirmed by Experience; for then a Maintenance might be contrived by other Means very easily, there being spare Land enough to be appropriated for a Barony. And one skilled in Political Arithmetick may readily compute what a handsom Income this would amount to with Care in collecting.

A large Tract of Land claimed by Virginia and North Carolina, and under the Government of neither, rightly called the disputed Bounds, is a kind of American Mint, whither several wicked and profligate Persons retire, being out of the certain Jurisdiction of either Government, where they may pursue any immoral or vicious Practices without Censure and with Impunity. But to end Disputes about it, why might not this be granted to a Bishop of Virginia and North Carolina?

The Occasion of these Disputes about the Bounds depends upon a Mistake or Difference in two Grants, one fixing the Bounds according to a certain Latitude, and the other specifying the Bounds (as I take it) to run Westward from Roon-oak Inlet, which proves in a Latitude different from that before mentioned; so that the List between these Parallels of Latitude, which is about fifteen Miles broad, and indefinitely long is disputed, the Governments of Virginia and North Carolina each pretending a Right to it; but this might easily be settled, either by finding out the true Meaning of the Grants, or what was the Occasion of the Error, and then determining the Bounds from thence; or if this (or what is before-mentioned) cannot be done, the Mathematical Professor, or some other, should be imployed to split the Difference between them, rather than have continual Disputes between the two Governments, to the great Detriment of the Religion and Trade of both of them.

No regular Church Government or Salaries have been yet made for the Clergy in North Carolina; but to bring this about, Representations should be made to the Proprietors; their Directions obtained to the Governor and Assembly there for their Assistance for this Purpose, in Conjunction with the Missions, that, by proper Applications, I presume may be continued from the Society, especially when they are assured that Measures will be taken to prevent their pious Endeavours to be any more frustrated there; and besides this I don't think it impracticable for them to obtain the Impropriation of the two travelling Fellowships, for Clergymen of a certain College in Oxford, to be confined to their Government for some Years; since at present they have such great Necessity for Christian Help of this Sort.

Besides, the continual Progress of such a Person as the Dean before-mentioned for some Years, would be of extraordinary Service in the present deplorable Circumstances of the Church of Christ in the Government of North Carolina.

Scheme III.

Of Arts, Projects, Inventions, and Manufactures in Virginia.

It is an undoubted Truth, that in the Multitude of Inhabitants consists the Welfare, Riches, and Power of any People; especially when all center in Obedience to the same civil Power, and unanimously join in the Encouragement of Trade, and industriously unite in the Improvement of their Manufactures; for then the greater Consumption will be made of such Things as tend to the publick Good, and the grander Figure will the Community make, and the greater will be the Exports and Imports of such Commodities as tend to the Increase of the publick Wealth, and private Advantage of each particular Member of the Society.

A remarkable Instance of this we have in the Dutch, whose Riches and Grandeur arose from the Increase of their Inhabitants, from their industrious Improvement of Projects, Inventions, and Manufactures at Home and Abroad, and carrying on the greatest Trade with indefatigable Application.

For these Reasons should Virginia be better stocked with Inhabitants, and more useful Arts and Projects be promoted there, than hitherto have been. Not that this would be in order for the publick Good of Virginia alone, but of all the British Empire in general; in that there might be imployed all the idle and superfluous Persons, who for want of Employment or Aversion to Business, prove as dead Members of the whole Body; or else by Immorality and Villany prove noxious to others, destructive to themselves, and a Scandal to Mankind.

What Shoals of Beggars are allowed in Great Britain to suffer their Bodies to rust and consume with Laziness and Want? And besides Strowlers what Number of Poor are burdensom to most Parishes? How do our Streets and Highways swarm with Rogues, and how are we over-stocked (as they say) with vast Numbers of People of all Trades and Professions? But for all and more than these might Work enough be found in our Plantations, where they might be imployed in the Benefit of their Country, for the Advantage both of the temporal and spiritual Concernments, by being kept to Business, and getting Money in an honest Way.

It is a monkish Opinion too prevalent with many still, that there is no good Living without the Bounds of their own Cloyster. And Abundance of English entertain the Chinese Notion, that they are all Fools and Beggars that live in any Country but theirs. This home Fondness has been very prejudicial to the common Sort of English, and has in a great Measure retarded the Plantations from being stock'd with such Inhabitants as are skilful, industrious, and laborious.

For these Reasons, such Persons of Sense and Resolution as have entered into Projects for Improvements in the Plantations (who have evinced us, that all Schemes are not Bubbles) have been obliged for the generality to make Use of the worst and vilest of Mankind, for the Execution of the noblest and most useful Undertakings; tho' indeed continually several People of Sense, Vertue, and Fortune, entertaining tolerable good Notions of these Affairs, have embarked themselves and Families in such laudable and useful Designs: But for the generality, the Servants and inferior Sort of People, who have either been sent over to Virginia, or have transported themselves thither, have been, and are, the poorest, idlest, and worst of Mankind, the Refuse of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Outcast of the People.

These Servants are but an insignificant Number, when compared with the vast Shoals of Negroes who are imployed as Slaves there to do the hardest and most Part of the Work; the most laborious of which is the felling of Trees and the like, to which kind of Slavery (if it must be so called) our Wood-Cutters in England are exposed; only with this Difference, that the Negroes eat wholsomer Bread and better Pork with more Plenty and Ease; and when they are Sick, their Owners Interest and Purse are deeply engaged in their Recovery, who likewise are obliged to take all the Care imaginable of the Children of their Slaves for their own great Profit; so that the Negroes, though they work moderately, yet live plentifully, have no Families to provide for, no Danger of Beggary, no Care for the Morrow.

But to me it seems to be more Prudence and Charity for our own Poor and Vagabonds to be there imployed and provided for, than for us to maintain and use such great Numbers of Africans. If we can do better without them certainly we should forbear importing so many (though this may interfere with the Interest of some), since it would advance the Good of the Publick; and that we may be without them is plain, since we have Rogues and Idlers enough of our own to do the same Work, to which if they were compelled by mild Methods, it would ease the Publick of a great deal of Charge, Trouble, and Loss, and would highly tend to the Advancement of the temporal and spiritual Happiness of our Poor, and be very instrumental in the Suppression of Theft and Villany, and for the Reformation of the most Profligate. Thousands of poor, honest, unfortunate People of all Trades and Occupations might be there imployed for the Support of themselves and Interest of Trade, that can find neither Work nor Maintenance for themselves and Families at Home; and such as had rather stroll or steal here, might be confined by mild Force to moderate Labour there, sufficient to support themselves, and benefit their Imployers.

The British Trade may easily vend their Effects and Manufactures; and Virginia, with the neighbouring Plantations, is capacious enough for their Reception, plentiful for their Maintenance, and abound with most Conveniences and Materials for most Kinds of Imployments; where several Things, upon Account of the Goodness of the Climate, and Fertility of the Country, may be produced with less Labour and more Plenty than in Great Britain; and innumerable Commodities might there be made by our own People, that are now imported at extravagant Prices, and excessive Toil and Danger from other Nations: Nay, we might supply other Nations with most of those Things which we now fetch from Abroad; so that though our Imports might decrease a little, yet would our Exports be abundantly augmented, which undoubtedly would tend much more to the Advantage of our Country: Even our own home Consumption in most Respects might be raised much cheaper and better in the Plantations than here; especially such Things as are with great Toil and Cost forc'd (as it were) unnaturally out of barren Ground, improper Soil, or a disagreeable Climate; and the Land and People in such Places might be occupied in more proper Business, and for more useful Purposes.

But the common People here have such a vain Fondness for their own Country, and such despicable Notions of Virginia, &c. and are under such dreadful Apprehensions of the imaginary Slavery of the Plantations, that they choose for the most Part rather to steal, beg, or starve, than go Abroad to work; and in the mean Time the Magistrates and our Laws are so mild to them, that like as Pharaoh's lean Kine devoured the fat ones, they grievously oppress and molest the Rich and the Honest.

But certainly Means might be invented and practised for easing our Nations of these Burdens, for promoting our Trade and Plantations by their Industry; and not for the Oppression (whatever some may imagine) of the Poor and Needy, but for their Maintenance and Felicity. And I believe this may be done without putting any Stop to the Importation of Negroes, rather than fail, since they might be kept on in their present Course of Life and Business; only they must raise more Stock and Grain for the Support of the additional English, who should stick solely to the Arts and Employments to which they were bred, or in which they are most expert. Indeed while Tobacco is the only Staple Commodity of any Consequence to Virginia, the Country may be easily over-stock'd with Negroes, because the Trade can't find Vent for near all the Tobacco that so many Hands will make; so that the Market being over-charged, is thus spoiled; for too much of any Commodity is as bad, if not worse, for the Planter, the Merchant, and the Publick, than too little. For which Reason the Honourable the Assembly of Virginia has from Time to Time endeavoured to make prudent Provision against raising too much Tobacco.

For this Cause they lately had a Duty of 5 l. a Head for every new Negroe, which Law in a great Measure is now revived; and though this Addition in the Price of a Negroe made no sensible Decrease in the Number imported; yet it did this good, viz. it brought a great Sum into the Treasury of the Country, which they have ready to disburse upon any noble Occasion; such as their late Donation to the College, to Williamsburgh, and their additional Reward for the Apprehension of Pyrates.

Besides their Attempts for the Prevention of too many Negroes, they have a Law against Seconds, which is most serviceable in confining the Quantity of Tobacco to its proper Bulk. The Intent of this Law is to prohibit all Persons from manufacturing a second Crop from the Leaves that sprout out from the Stalk after the first Leaves are cut off; with a Penalty upon the Offender, and a Reward for the Informer.

The Tobacco and the Negroe Trades might be carried on after the present Methods, or with any such Regulations as may seem more proper to those concerned in these Affairs; without any Hindrance to Arts, Handicrafts, useful Inventions and Cultivations in Virginia, for the Interest and present Trade of the Plantations and Great Britain would not interfere with such Projects; but on the contrary they would highly contribute to the mutual Support of each other, with prudent Management and Care.

The main Difficulty, Trouble, and Expence will chiefly consist in sending over such Persons as are before-mentioned, and afterwards in finding them Habitations, Maintenance, and Work when they are settled in Virginia, during the Term of their Service; and after they are free, with a Livelihood and Imployment for their Posterity.

There can be no Injury in such moderate legal Compulsion as forces People to be honest and industrious, though it be contrary to their Inclinations or their false Notions, which ought to be subjected to the publick Good and Opinion of the Community; and restrained and directed by the civil Power to pursue such Methods as the Legislature shall judge most convenient for the united Interest of all the Society or Empire.

Upon this Principle it will be esteemed no Hardship upon our unfortunate, or lazy, poor, idle Vagrants, nor profligate Wretches, if the Government obliged them to be transported, and then found Work and a plentiful Support for them and their Families, since this would tend as well to their private as the publick Good; it would employ our People who cannot have Work, or that will not voluntarily labour; it would secure our Houses and our Pockets, it would ease our Parishes, clear our Streets, Doors, and Roads, and mightily encrease our Manufactures, and cultivate our vast Tracts of rich Land that are now but Wildernesses over-run with large Trees, and inhabited by Deer, Wild-Fowls, &c.

In order for this some such Laws as the following might suffice. As first, Persons of any Imployment that can produce sufficient Certificates of their Honesty, and that after due Application they cannot get Work, or that they have been reduced to mean Circumstances by Misfortunes, with such like, should be sent over at the Expence of the Government, which should also allow them Land and Necessaries for their Settlement; in Return for which they should do such moderate Work for the Benefit of the Government, as they shall be ordered for the half of seven Years, to be thus imployed, viz. one Day for themselves, and one Day for the Government; and so on by Turns, observing Sunday as a Day of Rest and Devotion. And after the Expiration of these seven Years they should be free, and might work Journey-Work, or for themselves, and their Land and Houses should be the Inheritance of them and their Heirs for ever; paying a small Rent or Fine to the Government for it, besides the Quit-Rent, out of which Rent and the Produce of their every other Day's Labour might be allowed a sufficient Salary for Centurions or Persons to inspect into and direct the Work and Behaviour of these Servants; and the Overplus certainly would not only pay the Money at first advanced, but would likewise in a few Years bring in a very great Income.

But if the Government should decline undertaking this in general, yet might particular Companies take up Land and advance Money as above specified, which would in all Probability in a small Time tend to their great Profit; by carrying on to the best Advantage, in the cheapest way, their several Manufactures and Arts, imploying therein such unfortunate poor Persons as are expert in their respective Trades or Callings.

How many honest ingenious People might thus get Work, Maintenance, and even Estates for themselves and Families, who now lie obscured in Idleness, and almost devoured by Poverty?

In the next Place, as for Vagrants and Beggars, suppose that all such Persons that are taken wandering above five Miles from their own Parish (or less upon Occasion) without a Pass from the Minister and Church-Wardens, specifying their Business, with Leave for a certain Time, or without being able to give a good Account of themselves and their present Imployment; should be put immediately by any House-Keeper into the Custody of a Constable, who should be obliged to carry them before the next Justice of the Peace to be examined, and committed to the next Bridewell or Prison, there to work, till at the next Quarter-Sessions they be ordered for Transportation, except Infants, aged and disabled Persons, who should be sent Home to, and maintained by their own Parishes, if discoverable, or else at the County Charge. These should serve seven Years for their Maintenance without Wages, with somewhat less Perquisites and Privileges than those above-mentioned in all Respects, both during their Service and afterwards; however sufficient Provision should be made for them, though not so good as for those others.

In this Class should likewise be included all petty Criminals and Bridewell Birds, all which should be transported at the Expence of the County to which they belong, as also should all Convicts and Felons; and in Virginia should there be appointed proper Persons to take Care of them, manage, and employ them, who should have Salaries for their Trouble, paid out of the Returns made by the Labour of the Servants under their Care; and the Overplus, which in a small Time might prove very considerable, should belong to the respective County that transported such Servants, by which Means Funds might easily be raised in every County or Shire to defray all their publick Expences and Charges, from the Labour of their Rogues and Beggars, without any Contribution or Tax of honest and industrious People. But to prevent Disorder and Mischief among such, they that should be sent over for little or no Faults but Idleness, should meet with all civil Treatment and Encouragement, when they did their Endeavours, but undergo the Severities of Bridewell for their Faults or great Neglect. But such notorious Villains as are sent over in Chains for Robbery or Murder, &c. should be kept a-part, and in Chains still, and be made Servants for Life, lest they corrupt the rest, or commit greater Robberies or Murders than ever they did before; which for want of more Care and greater Confinement of such Rogues too frequently happen, as they are now managed.

However, this Rigour might be occasionally abated, when any appear to be proper Objects of Mercy and Charity; but this should be done with the Leave of the Government there, and Care should be taken of them both as to their Labour and Provision, and Security should be contrived against any Danger that may proceed from thence.

I cannot here omit mentioning a late Design of seating all Convicts that should be imported into Virginia, in a County by themselves, under the Care of proper Overseers, who should confine them from doing any Hurt, and keep them to their Labour, by such Methods as are used in Bridewell.

The Land intended for this new County is very good, and fit to produce Hemp and Flax, which they were there solely to cultivate and manufacture; from whence the County was designed to be called Hempshire.

Tho' this Project was never put in Execution, yet I am of Opinion that something of this Nature would be very advantageous in securing and employing our Felons, and for our better Supply of Cordage in our Naval Stores, and making of Linen of all Sorts.

The last Sort of Servants that I should be for sending over to Virginia (besides such as are sent by the Methods already in Use) are the greatest Part of the Parish Poor all over England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland; so that they should be burdened with none but such as are very old, very young, or else sickly or disabled, which would prove a very grateful Ease in most Places, where the general Complaint is the vast Charge of a numerous Poor; all which might easily be maintained and employed in Virginia, in proper Trades, Inventions, and Projects, and do great Good to themselves and the Publick.

Here might Work be cut out for Thousands that now pretend to want Business; and many that now thro' Laziness decline Endeavours to support themselves and Families, would then seek for Employment, and set to work in Earnest, being frighten'd into Industry and Labour, through the dreadful Apprehension of being sent to the Plantations; for such as could not or would not maintain themselves, and all Girls and Boys that are in no likelihood of doing this, should have their Names returned to the Justices by the Church-Wardens and Overseers, at the Quarter-Sessions, who upon Examination should give Orders for their Transportation; then would the Parish be eased, and might easily have honest and laborious People enough to do their Business and Work, without the Charge of Abundance of lazy or poor People.

These should be sent over at the Expence of the Parish, and their Labour would soon repay the Cost, and the Overplus might be applied for the Service of the Parish; so that these would soon maintain the rest of their Poor, and bring in good Gain to themselves and their Parishioners in Time, if they were under some such Restrictions, and had some such Privileges as the first Sort of unfortunate People here mentioned.

But if these Methods of Transportation be thought impracticable, at the Expence, and for the Benefit of the Government, the Counties, and the Parishes, yet might other Contrivances be found to transport the People above specified, besides the Methods now practiced by some to transport themselves, and by Mr. Forward and some Merchants for sending over continually all sorts of Servants; but the present Number is but a Trifle in respect of what might be sent over, were Laws made for the better Encouragement thereof, and due Regulations made for the Employment and Provision of such great Numbers as might yearly be sent over. For when they are there they need not be employed about Tobacco and Corn, as they generally are, for that might be compleatly managed by the Negroes; but they should carry on other Inventions, Trades, and Arts, and be confined to follow their own respective Callings and Occupations wherein they are most artful; and when their Time is served, better Care might be taken of them, and such Provision and Privileges allowed them, that they should be obliged to labour and get plentifully their own Living in an honest Way.

Now when I come to find Employment for all these People, what a vast Field is presented to View for their Labour? Nine and Twenty large and fertile Counties, for the most Part thinly inhabited, with Plenty of all Sorts of the best Provisions and Materials. Most if not all Sorts of English Husbandry, I know experimentally, may be carried on there with much less Labour, and far greater Encrease than in England: For Instance, it is common only by howing up the Ground, and throwing Seed upon it, and harrowing it in, to reap from sixty to eighty Bushels for one of English Wheat, of a large full Grain with a thin Rind; and I have had two Tuns off an Acre of Clover, which we may mow twice; and as for Barley's being burnt up with dry hot Weather, it often has the same fate in several Parts of England; besides more Experience and Observation of the Seasons, will make People more expert in the Management of that, and all other Sorts of Grain, or Seeds, and Grass, that they have not there brought yet to the greatest Perfection. Several English Farmers have indeed been baulked of their Expectation, in Attempts of carrying on their Art to great Advantage in Virginia; but this in a great Measure I attribute to their want of Judgment, and too strict Observance of the English Customs and Times, without making proper Allowance for the Difference of Soil, Seasons, and Climates; besides the vast Expence and Trouble, and the long Time required in clearing the Ground for their Purpose, in building of Barns, Farm-Houses, &c. so that frequently by that Time that they have brought their Purposes to Perfection, their Patience begins to be tired, and their Purses are pretty well emptied; so that at last they run into the rapid Current of planting Tobacco, which they know will bring them in certain Gain with but little Expence.

Now for the Conveniency of Husbandry, I know a certain Gentleman, who employs a great Number of Negroes in clearing Plantations, and planting Corn and Tobacco, as usual, with this Intention, viz. When these Negroes shall have cleared the Land, planted Hedges, and built Barns and Farm-Houses gradually in a few Years, without any Hindrance to their Crops, then he proposed to let these Farms with a Stock of Cattle, &c. ready upon them for a small Rent and Fines, to such poor, honest, skilful Farmers, as he can procure to come and take them, either upon long Lease or for Lives; and remove his Negroes upon fresh Land to prepare more Farms. 'Tis Pity but this Project was frequently practised, for thereby good Estates might be raised in Families; many an unfortunate Family might retrieve their bad Circumstances, and find Employment and great Benefit; and all this carried on with the same Opportunity of Profit from Tobacco, as other Gentlemen Planters have; nay better, in that the Hands would be still tending fresh Ground.

As for Liquors, they might make as good Malt-Drink, and as cheap there as any where else; and for Cyder I think it surpasses even Herefordshire it self, for Plenty and Fairness of Fruit, the Trees thriving and producing wonderfully, yielding a strong and good tasted Cyder, when well made and managed, especially if kept in good Vaults. From Peaches is distilled an excellent Spirit in very great Plenty, very difficult to be distinguished (when well made) from Citron Water. This they call Persico, which with many other Spirits might be made there to turn to a very good Account, and produced in great Quantities from their numerous large Orchards of Apples and Peaches. Hogs, horned Cattle, and Sheep thrive and encrease there mightily; and Salt and Casks being very cheap, vast Advantage might be made more than is, by raising of great Stocks, and salting up Beef and Pork for victualling of Ships, and supplying the West-Indies and other Places with Provisions, which they might afford to do very cheap, did some of the additional Part of the Servants before-mentioned make it their Business to tend Flocks and Herds, and provide better and more Food for them in the Winter, than what they now usually have. As for the Advantage of Woollen Manufactures, that is so well known, that I shall say nothing in that Respect, only that there is in Virginia as good Wool as the finest in England; and I doubt not but with good Management the Climate will produce as fine as any in Spain, since the Sheep in both Places are of British Original; and in my Opinion it would be a great Advantage (instead of Detriment) to have fine Wool enough of our own to work up, without being beholden to Spain for it; especially if we consider that it might either be sent Home to be wrought in Britain, or else we might send over Numbers of our superfluous Cloth-workers to make it up there into the same Sorts of Goods, as they make in England, which would be much the cheapest way; and then these Goods should be imported to the Clothiers here, who undoubtedly would have Call enough for what they can make in Virginia and at Home; for if they see Occasion they need not encrease the Quantity, but only make Use of Plantation Wool raised by Britons, instead of Spanish Wool; and the Decrease of our Exports to Spain might sufficiently be balanced (if not upon Account of employing Numbers of our own People, yet) by many other Ways. Neither can I see any Harm in it, if the carrying on Woollen Manufactures in Virginia by English People that want Employment, the Quantity of Woollen Goods were thereby encreased; especially such as are for Home Consumption, and the Use of the Plantations; for then Rich and Poor would have their Cloths much cheaper; and if the Draper gained less by his Countrymen, it might be contrived that he should gain more by Strangers abroad in other Parts of the World.

More might be said as to the Manufactures of Hemp and Flax, than what I have mentioned of Wool, because we are in a great Measure obliged for these to foreign Nations, who in Case of War might pinch us prodigiously more than they do; more particularly to the great Expence and Inconveniency of our Shipping, the Glory and Bulwark of the British Nations. Here we have enough of good Land lying waste; and at Home we have People lying idle sufficient to supply us from Virginia, with Ropes, Cables, and Canvas for our Ships of War and Merchandize, with Linens for wearing and for houshold Use, were Projects set on Foot, and rightly carried on for so useful and advantageous Undertakings.

Besides this, there is Pitch and Tar enough, which with careful Management might be made as good, and afforded as cheap, or cheaper, than any from other Places.

Then as for Oak no Country has finer nor more Plenty; which though it will not last long enough for Houses, yet it will for Shipping: Witness the New England Ships built of the same Sort of Wood; and as for Deal Planks here may be as good as any; and I question if Gottenburgh, or any other Part of Europe can afford us better Pines for Masts and Yards (especially for Merchants Use) than what grow in Virginia in several Places in very great Plenty; so that many Ships might be built there, which would employ Numbers of Shipwrights from Great Britain, and would stand the Merchants in a great deal less Expence, than if they were built at Home: Nay, we might even build Ships for several other Nations, and make them turn to a very good Account, without any Risk of doing Damage to our publick Safety or Interest.

As for Wine, in all Parts of the Country Grapes grow wild and thrive extreamly, but at present they are almost only Food for the Birds; few Attempts having been made for the Cultivation of them and making Wines, except that of Colonel Robert Beverley, which was thus: He having read, seen, studied, and enquired much concerning the Nature of Vintages, reduced his Knowledge to Practice for his better Experience and Certainty, in planting a small Vineyard; and having great Prospect that this would answer his Purpose, he bragged much of it in Publick; but being bantered by several Gentlemen, he proposed to give each of them a Guinea down, if they would give him Ten, if he made a certain Number of Gallons of pure Wine that Vintage; they accepted the Proposals, and he distributed (I think) one hundred Guineas, made the Wine according to the Terms agreed upon, and won his Wager; which Money he afterwards employed in planting more and greater Vineyards, from which he made good Quantities of Wine, and would have brought it to very high Perfection, had he lived some Years longer.

His whole Family, even his Negroes drank scarce any thing but the small Wines, and the Strong is of a good Body and Flavour; the Red that I have often drank to me seems to have the Taste of Claret and the Strength of Red Port. Not only red Grapes, but also white ones of all Sorts from Europe produce and grow there to Admiration; an Instance of which may be seen at Colonel William Robinson's upon Rappahannock River, who has planted out Abundance; and I don't question but he and other Gentlemen there will follow Mr. Beverley's Pattern; which if brought to Perfection might tend to an extraordinary good Account, and not only prove profitable to the Planter, but also advantageous to Britain, even if we could but make small Quantities of Wine there; but much more beneficial would it be if there could be made Abundance, as in all Probability there might be, since the Climate and the Soil seem so extreamly well adapted for that Purpose; especially up towards the Hills and Mountains, which at present lye waste. Would it not be very advantageous to our Nations if we could not only raise much Wine for our own Use, but also sell great Quantities to our Neighbours? And I know of but two trifling Obstacles in the way; the one is, that the Clusters of Grapes rarely ripen together, which might be remedied by picking them at different Times; the other is, that the Birds devour Abundance; but this might be prevented by Nets, Guns, Priapus, and several other Contrivances. This would employ great Numbers of People, has upon Trial been proved to answer Expectation, and might bring vast Profit to the Planter, to the Merchant, and to the Crown.

To encourage this, I know some that intend to let Land for a small Acknowledgment in Wine. Much the same might be said of Silk, which long ago has been made there, and is known by Experience to answer the Expectation of the Silk Men. For Mulberries of all Sorts thrive there to Admiration, and the Heat of the Summer has been found to agree with the Nature of the Silk-Worm extreamly well; so that the only Reason that I know, why the Gentlemen formerly concerned in making of Silk in Virginia drop'd their Proceedings, was the great Profit that Tobacco brought them in in those Days; which being raised there only, turned then to an extraordinary Advantage, much better than any other Project; but now when so much Tobacco is made, and the Gain so much less than formerly, I can't imagine why the Silk Trade is not there revived; which I am very positive would turn to a very great Account, if carried on by good Managers. To this Nature seems to invite us; for upon the Leaves of the Chinckapin (which seem somewhat like Mulberry Leaves) I have frequently found a very large Worm not much unlike the Silk-Worm, only much bigger.

If the Manufacture of Silk was carried on in Virginia, every Body knows what Profit it must bring to make Silk of the Produce of our own Dominions, in great Plenty, and at cheaper Rates than we can have it from Asia.

Besides, we may observe that the great Numbers of People employed in this Manufacture, for the most Part, might be the young, the aged, and the disabled, who could not work at any thing that required hard Labour or much Stirring.

As for Hops, England might save a great deal of Trouble and Expence, and employ their People in better Business than Hop-Yards, if Hop-Grounds were cultivated in Virginia, which is much fitter for the Purpose.

As for physical Plants and Trees, abundance of Poor might be employed in simpling and collecting Drugs for the Apothecaries Service, which abound there; such as Sassafras, Saxafras, Snakeroot, with numberless more, whose Virtue is unknown; and undoubtedly among such various Sorts of anonymous Plants and Shrubs, there must be many whose Qualities are strange to the most skilful Europeans, tho' many of them be understood by the Indian Doctors: If it be not the true Cortex, yet they have a Bark very like it in Colour, Taste, and Operation.

I know that Abundance of Sumack is yearly consumed in England; but not being perfect in the Use and Nature of it, I shall only say that it grows there in great Plenty; and that the Indians have several fine Colours both for Dying and Painting, that we know nothing of, as to their Composition and Use; but Enquiry into these Things, and Experience might, for what any knows, in a small Time turn to a good Account, both for the publick Advantage, and for the Interest of particular Persons.

I shall say little of Sawing-Mills, since they are already in Use there, and the great Benefit of them is so well known. Certainly it must be improper to bestow much Labour and Expence upon that which might easily be done for a small Cost, and with much quicker Expedition; yet is this wonderful and useful Invention prohibited in some Parts of Great Britain, upon Account of a few that pretend they can't get their Livelihood by any other, but the stupid slavish Work of Sawing: But in my Opinion we might as well prohibit the Use of Boats in all our Rivers, because it interferes with the Interest of the Carriers, and hinders the Consumption of great Quantities of Hay and Oats in the Inns. I wonder that they don't neglect the Use of Horses, Jacks, Handspikes, and Cranes in his Majesty's Yards, as well as Sawing-Mills; since each of them abbreviates Labour and lessens the Expence, requiring fewer People than must be employed, were it not for those Inventions, so much hated by the common People; but certainly these might be so employed in other Business, as to get more Money with less Labour. But to return to Virginia, I am certain that if more Sawing-Mills were set up there, it would bring great Profit to the Owners, employ many People there, and make Timber for Ships and Houses come at a much cheaper Rate in England, than it now does, without any Loss to the English landed Gentlemen or Timber Merchants.

Paper-Mills I believe would answer well there; for there are good Runs of Water with Timber for nothing for building them, and I am sure the Negroes would supply them with Rags enough for Trifles; to which add the Advantage of Water Carriage; these need not interfere with the English Paper-Mills, but only supply us with such Quantities of Paper, as we buy from foreign Countries.

As for carrying on the Fishing Trade in Virginia, though there be Plenty of Fish there, yet I believe other Countries where Fisheries are establish'd, and that have little else to mind and depend upon, would outdo it in this Respect; only more Whales might be taken upon the Eastern Shore, and bring good Gain to such People as would make it their Business; and I don't question but the Sturgeons (with the best of which the Rivers abound) might with good Management and Industry be made to surpass all others, both for Cheapness and Goodness, for they are large, fine, and easily taken; nay, they frequently leap, some ashoar and some in Boats, as I have been very credibly informed.

Upon the Rivers and Creeks are vast large Marshes, which being drained and secured with mud Walls, would employ abundance of People, and might be converted into as good Meadows and as large, as those upon the Thames about and below London. Such Meadows are much wanting there, and would well recompence the Cost and Trouble of the Undertakers of such noble Projects; besides this would confine the Rivers to their proper Channels; whereas now they cover for Miles from each Shoar large Quantities of flat and shoaly Ground, useless and incommodious. However impracticable or difficult this Task may appear to some, yet I doubt not but in Process of Time it may be effected.

The upper Parts of Virginia are deprived of the Advantage of Water Carriage, because the Rivers above the Falls are generally full of Trees brought down by Land Floods, with some Rocks here and there; but they might be made navigable, and cleared very easily with small skilful Labour, for they are generally broad and fuller of Water than our inland Rivers where Boats and Barges of great Burden can pass; and Wears might be occasionally made there as up the Thames; but the main Difficulty would be at the Falls or Cataracts, where the Water falls over vast Rocks with an hideous Noise and great Force. Hither Sloops can come, where the Goods might be landed with Cranes, and then put on Board the Boats above the Falls; and by the like Methods might Goods be sent down. But in Time it may be worth while to turn Part of the Rivers, and make Locks one above another, whereby Sloops might easily be let down or taken up, and so pass the Falls; like as the large Boats of Pleasure and Burden are carried with Profit and Ease thro' Vallies and over Hills quite a-cross France, in the wonderful Canal of Languedoc, which was contrived by the late King, in order to make a Communication from our Seas, to the Mediterranean through the Heart (almost) of his Kingdom; which Action has added to his Glory as well as Profit, and brings in a great Income both to the Crown and to the Undertaker of this most wonderful Work. If in England we will not follow this Example by making a Communication from the head Branches of the Thames into the Severn, which is very practicable, the Distance being but a few Miles; yet I question not but in a few Years they will be obliged to imitate the Locks of Languedoc at the Falls in Virginia.

In the Rocks up James River, and in other Places is found a Stone resembling a Diamond, much nearer than any Crystal or Bristol-Stone, being very hard and ornamental.

There has been formerly discovered a Sand taken for Gold Dust; and towards the Mountains are variety of Stones, some seeming to contain several Kinds of Metals, and others are good for Building; among which is the Appearance of Abundance of excellent Marble of several Sorts. Upon the River Sides is cast up by the Tides abundance of black heavy Sand resembling Smith's Filings; but the Nature and Vertue of this is unknown as yet: I believe it is washed from some Veins of Mines at the Bottoms of the Rivers, or is carried down by the Current, as Gold Dust in Africa, from the upper Parts of the Rivers, and from the Rocks and Mountains.

In several Places is Coal enough near the Surface of the Earth; and undoubtedly in Time they will either have Occasion or Vent for it, to supply other Places, if they will not use it themselves; but if Coal Works were there carried on to Advantage, Newcastle may witness, what Numbers of Ships and People are employed in such Affairs, and what vast Profit accrues from thence.

If our Iron Works in Virginia meet with any tolerable Encouragement, we shall have no Need to apply to Spain and Sweden for Iron, for we have there enough to stock all Europe; and as I have been informed it surpasses all other Iron in Goodness and Cheapness. This Manufacture might be carried on without any Detriment to the Iron Merchants and Makers in England; for they might stint the Quantity, have it all brought into their Hands, and use themselves what they want instead of foreign Iron, and vend Abroad the Overplus that they may permit to be made. Certainly this most useful Commodity would come cheaper from our own Dominions than from other Countries; and in working it from the Oar to the Bar would employ great Numbers of People that now beg or steal for their Living. As for working Iron up into Instruments and Tools in Virginia, I believe they would scarce desire so great Liberty; unless upon Consideration the Gentlemen concerned in such hard Ware found it to be for the Interest of themselves, their Workmen, and the Publick, to send over People to make all Sorts of Utensils in Iron in Virginia, where they may have all Sorts of Provisions and Materials for their Work much cheaper than in England; where they may have Land to settle for little or nothing; where Wood, Oar, and Water Conveniences are plentiful. What Detriment would it be to work up Iron there, if it may be done cheaper, and by the same People, who are so numerous in England that they can (abundance of them) hardly get Work and a poor Livelihood? But if it will not be granted that Iron shall be wrought in Virginia, yet might it be cast there; if Forges will not be allowed there, yet might Furnaces be encouraged, from whence our Merchants may be supplied with better and cheaper Iron than from other Places; and Recompence might easily be made in the Trade to Spain and Sweden, &c. for the Deficiency that would ensue in the Quantities of Goods exported thither in Exchange for their Iron.

Virginia is justly esteemed one of the most considerable Branches of the British Dominions; may it then not be thought very hard that the Virginians should not only be debarred the Favours allowed other Britons; but also have less Privilege allowed them than is given to foreign Nations? What then may be the Reason why other Nations are permitted to import their bar Iron, whereas the Virginians shall not make a Bar, and must pay the Duty of foreign Iron for all the pig and sow Iron that they make?

I might mention more Projects, that in all Probability would turn to an extraordinary Advantage, if carried on in Virginia; but I presume these may suffice as a Specimen to shew how useful and easy it is to promote many Trades, Arts, and Manufactures there, and what Numbers of poor, idle, and wicked People may there be employed, and get a plentiful Maintenance and Settlement for their Families, and by their Labour may enrich themselves, the Planters and Merchants, benefit our Trade, encrease the Revenue of the Crown, and advance the Interest and Glory of Great Britain, Ireland, and all the English Plantations and Settlements Abroad.

I shall conclude this Scheme with observing, that the People sent over for such Employments as are here mentioned, when rightly settled, might have their Provision much cheaper than in England, and might have their Cloths sent over at the best Hand; and might be seated conveniently on Tracts of Land taken up, bought, or rented by long and cheap Leases; which besides the Profit of their Labour would secure Estates for Thousands of poor miserable Wretches, would advance the Price of Land, and augment the Income of the Quit-Rents.

Scheme IV.

Of Trade in Virginia.

The Projects before laid down might be put in Execution without any Impediment to the planting of Tobacco, Corn, &c. in the Methods that are now practised, and without any Loss to the present Virginia Trade, and Income to the Crown arising from Tobacco, or Decrease of the vast Quantities of all Sorts of Commodities yearly transported to that large Plantation. And till such Designs as are here laid down be put in Execution, or brought to due Regulation and Perfection, it might not be Cost and Labour thrown away if the Virginia Gentlemen, Traders and Planters attempted at some, if not all the Things mentioned for their Advantage in the last Scheme; especially when Tobacco is so very low, that it is not worth while to plant too much of it, which frequently happens. They might soon perceive if these Designs would answer Expectation; and Trials for Experience at their Leisure would not cost much; for their Experience, I say, rather than their Satisfaction, because they may be satisfied as to the Practicableness and Usefulness of most of these Things, from the repeated Proofs that have been already made in most of these Commodities, together with many more; particularly Hides, which I forgot to mention, which are now hardly of any Use or Value there, but might be tann'd very cheap, because of the Plenty of Bark; and I believe likewise that good Use might be made of their Sheep and Calf-Skins, which are now of no Value nor Use worth speaking of. What Numbers would the Manufacture of these Things employ, and what Advantage would it bring to the Workmen and the Planters?

But I see that these Propositions may raise the loud Clamours of Thousands of People concerned in England, in the Trades belonging to all the Commodities here spoken of: In Answer to whose various Objections it may be replied, that all these Things would be wrought by their own Countrymen, poor Neighbours, or Friends; that it will ease them of their Poor, Vagabonds, and Villains: That all these Goods are to be transported to England, so that in reality Virginia would be only as a Yard or Work-House where these Servants and Journeymen would labour for the English; besides several of these Things are such as we are wholly or in part supplied with from other Nations; and certainly we had better have Goods of the Produce of our own People and Countries, than buy them of Strangers, who make them for us; and if too great Quantities of any kind should be made, more than our own Consumption requires, surely it will be very advantageous for us, if we can supply other Nations with such Goods, the best of their Kind, and at the cheapest Rate. Whenever any of these Projects should interfere with the Interest of Great Britain, by all Means they should be stop'd; and when particular Trades or Persons might receive Damage by any of these Projects carried on in Virginia, Amends might be made them by some other Privileges and Advantages in several other Respects. Such Things should be encouraged there, though they made less of several Kinds here; for Abundance of our People and our Land might be employed more properly in other Things, rather than in what they are; which might be much more easy to them, more agreeable to their Soil, and more to the Interest of themselves and the Publick; especially with Respect to such Things as would be produced better, with less Labour and more Plenty, with less Expence and more Profit in Virginia than in Great Britain. Such Things certainly might more properly be manufactured there, and our Land and our People now employed at Home about those Things should be put to better Uses and Purposes, more suitable and more beneficial both for the publick and private Interest. These Measures would create no Alteration in the present Trade and Methods, but would only augment and add new Advantages and Improvements to our Merchandize and Manufactures: Instead of being a Hindrance to the present Customs and Methods, it would promote the Interest and Trade both of Great Britain and Virginia, and the other Plantations. Would it not be for the Good of Thousands of unfortunate People, besides for the Benefit of Virginia, if Farmers were there well settled, and Husbandry carried on regularly, and all Sorts of Grain and Grass brought to Perfection; if greater Quantities of good Cyder and fine Spirits were made there, not only for their own Use, but for Transportation to the West-Indies; nay, and thro' England to the Turkish Dominions where Wine is prohibited? How cheap might Ships be there victualled with the best Provision, and what Quantities of barrelled Pork and Beef might be exported from Virginia, with Indian Corn, Wheat, Rye, &c. and be sent to several Parts of the World, where such Things turn to very good Account for the Merchant and Farmer? Many indeed have been baulked in planting and husbandry there; but such have been chiefly Londoners, who are Strangers to Country Business. Any Person may conceive the great Profit and Use to Trade in general, by having the Marshes turned into Meadows, the Rivers confined to deep Channels, by Passages being contrived at the Falls, and the upper Parts of the Rivers being made navigable. England is the Mart and Store-House, whither the Manufactures and vendible Goods of Virginia for the most Part should be sent; and after the English have culled what they like and have Occasion for, surely they are so skilful in Merchandize, that they could vend to other Countries the Overplus of these Commodities, and reap sufficient Profit for their Pains. Thus suppose we should have more of the following Things than our own Use requires, certainly they might easily and profitably be disposed of to others; such as the leathern and woollen Manufactures, hempen and flaxen Goods, Pitch, Tar, Timber for Ship and House-Carpenters, and Cabinet-Makers, Joyners, &c. such as Oak, Deal, Walnut, Hickory, Cedar, Cypress, Locust, and the like, with Masts, Yards, Ships, and all Sorts of naval Stores, with Planks, Clapboards, and Pipestaves; and also Hops, Wine, Hoops, Cask, Silk, Drugs, Colours, Paper, Train Oil, Sturgeon, with various Sorts of Stones, Minerals, and Oars, with Cord, Wood, and Coals, and Metals, particularly Iron; which last, if it meets with proper Encouragement, will soon be made extreamly useful to the Publick.

I shall not insist at large upon the great Profit accruing from the Goods sold to the Indians, and their Dear-Skins and Furs which we buy. There is Land, Provision, Materials, and all other Requisites for carrying on these Things to the greatest Perfection and Profit; and must not Trade and Shipping be wonderfully benefited and advanced, by transporting to and fro the Persons and Things before-mentioned?

These Projects would tend to the great Interest of the Plantation, as well as the Good of Thousands of poor or idle English, and the Advantage of the English Dominions and Trade in general; and besides the Benefits above-mentioned, we may further observe, that by such Means our inferior People that now are cloathed with Rags, being promoted to Circumstances that would afford it, would yearly expend vast Sums in good Apparel, Houshold Goods, &c. which they must be supplied with from Great Britain, whereas now they are not only useless, but even are noxious Branches of our Society; to which Class we may reduce at least (I believe) 1/20 Part of our People, who might thus be put in a Method, not only to maintain themselves handsomly and live well, but likewise by their Consumption of Goods would support Thousands of Families in the manufacturing of such Commodities as they may have Occasion for: And the Addition to our publick Riches, which would be required in the Advancement of the Fortunes and Estates of all these mean People, would arise from the Encrease of our foreign Trade, in supplying other Countries with those Commodities, many of which we now even buy ourselves; so that in Realty these Folks might be maintained and provided for well at the Expence of foreign Nations, without the least Charge or Contribution (in effect) of our own Fellow-Subjects.

Virginia was the first Plantation, and is one of the very best and largest, depending most directly upon the Crown, and bringing most into the Treasury upon account of the Customs and Quit-Rents; therefore it has the first Title to claim, and a superior Right to demand such Encouragement, as may tend to the speedy Promotion of its Trade and Prosperity. This Colony ought first to be brought to its greatest Perfection, and then the others may crave the like Assistance, in such Methods as may best suit with their Occasion and particular Circumstances; so that in their Course continually all the Plantations might be made constant and sure Receptacles, and find sufficient Provision and Employment for all our Poor, our Beggars, and our notorious Rogues; all which might more effectually and expeditiously be brought to pass, if our Slave Trade were moderated, if not ended, and exchanged for some other as advantageous for the Merchant, and the publick Good; for by what I understand since the Plantations are so well stock'd with Slaves, and they breed and thrive there so prodigiously, the Company has not gained very exceedingly by slaving of late Years; but be their Gain much or little, I am persuaded that if fewer Slaves were imported to Virginia, it would be better for the Virginia Planters and Merchants; and with humble Submission I am of Opinion that the African Traders might prosecute more gainful Adventures than too much slaving.

But I should not pretend to direct in the Regulation of Trade; only I shall take Leave to make this Observation as to the Trade of Virginia, viz. It is great Pity but that the publick Tobacco were well ordered; for the Publick, the County, and the Parish Levies might be paid much better, there being too frequently Deficiencies, both in the Manner of the Payment, and the Quality of the Commodity.

This with the Negroe Trade is what the Assembly have often considered and attempted to rectify; in which Respects their strenuous Endeavours justly merit the Applause and grateful Acknowledgments of all Persons interested in these Affairs. As for the English Laws and Duties relating to Tobacco, they are out of my Sphere; only I know that frequently the Duty is so high, and the Price so low, that it is very hard for the Merchant; and the Planter and the Smoaker get little or nothing but their Labour for their Pains and Expence; for it has happened that Planters, who have had a great Dependance upon their Years Crop of Tobacco, for the Support of themselves and Families, have, instead of clearing any thing, been brought in Debt by it, the Charges and Duties far over-balancing the Price of the Tobacco; so that though the Virginians are for the most Part very eager at making Tobacco, which formerly turned to a vast Account, yet of late Years they sometimes get little or nothing by it, but Trouble and Loss; because of the great Expence in making and sending it Home to Market, and the great Duties which are paid out of it, and the small Price that it usually bears, especially when there is no great Demand and Call for it. Besides many Frauds having of late Years crept into the Trade, and Abundance of Tobacco being counterfeited, and more run in some Parts and Ports of Great Britain, the cunning Dealer often by such Means ruins the fair Trader, by vending his poor damaged counterfeited or run Goods at a cheap Rate, thus underselling his Neighbour, imposing upon the Publick, and defrauding the Government; nay, 'tis said that such have often doubly cheated the Government, first by running Tobacco, or entering all light Hogsheads at Importation, which in their Language is called Hickory-puckery; and then again by getting a Debenture for Tobacco that has been run, or entering all heavy Hogsheads for Exportation, which they term Puckery-hickory; after which it is said that the same Tobacco has been runned again into some neighbouring Port.

It must be allowed as a Demonstration that some such Practices have been used, if upon Enquiry it be discoverable that the Government has lost by the Customs, when the Amount even of the Debentures has by much exceeded the Income of the Duties; without any Allowance for the vast Quantity that is consumed in the Country in smoaking, chewing, Snuff, &c.

Having here and in the last Scheme spoken of the Vent that might be contrived for the additional Produce of Virginia, I shall add no more upon that Subject, but subjoin a few Considerations relating to all the Plantations in general.

The Extent, the Wealth, the numerous Inhabitants, the Hands employed, the Goods consumed, the Duties and Customs occasioned by the Plantations, especially such as Virginia, are well worthy the most serious Consideration, and claim the greatest Favour and Encouragement in the Trade and Manufactures of those Places, which are vastly larger than all his Majesty's Dominions in Europe, and in Time may become as considerable; they being at present one of the chiefest Causes and main Supports of our Trade, and bringing as much Money into the Treasury, and the Purses of Merchants, and other People, as most other Parts of the World to which we trade.

The Good of the Publick consists as well in the Welfare of the Subject, as in the Power and Riches of the Prince; Regard being to be had as well to the Circumstances of the one, as the other. Now the Advancement of Trade and Manufactures in the Plantations in the highest Degree respects both the Sovereign and the Subject, in which both the publick and private Interest is deeply engaged; therefore should the Plantation Trade and Manufactures be set upon the best Footing imaginable; be carried on strenuously to the best Advantage; and be granted all reasonable Favour, Protection, and Encouragement. They are Branches and chief Members, why then may they not continue justly to partake of the same Privileges and Advantages that are enjoyed by England, which may truly be esteemed their Head, to which they are inseparably joined, as being essential Parts of the same Body Politick? I need not relate the Fable of the Head and Members, for every one knows the Moral inferred from it; how that unless the Members travel and labour for the Service of the Head and Body, and the Head contrives, and the Body conveys Nourishment and Sustenance to the Members, the whole Fabrick, both Head, Body, and Members would soon perish, and moulder to Dust. I presume that the Application of this to Great Britain, and our Trade and Plantations may not be altogether improper.

There can be no Room for real Apprehension of Danger of a Revolt of the Plantations in future Ages: Or if any of them should attempt it, they might very easily be reduced by the others; for all of them will never unite with one another; for though all the Plantations agree in this, that they all belong to, and depend entirely upon Great Britain; yet they have each Views different from one another, and as strenuously pursue their separate Interests, by various and distinct Methods. Besides, they can't possibly be without Great Britain, to which they owe their being at first made Colonies; and afterwards have been always supported, maintained and employed by it. They can't live without this Mart for their Manufactures and Market, for Supply of Goods that they want; where they have a great Interest, from whence they are descended, to which they are united by Blood, Religion, Language, Laws, and Customs, and also they have and may always expect to find greater Favour, Encouragement, and Protection in England, than from any other Nation in the World. The Plantations cannot possibly subsist without some Trade, Correspondence, Union, and Alliance in Europe, and absolute Necessity obliges them to fix these perpetually in Great Britain. Upon which, as upon a Stock, they are ingrafted, spring forth, blossom and bear Fruit abundantly, and being once lop'd off from it, they would soon wither and perish; thus is it the Interest and Safety, as well as the Duty and Inclination of the Inhabitants of our Plantations, always to be subservient to the Government of England, by which they are planted, protected, supported, assisted, and encouraged.

'Tis true indeed, that the Roman Colonies, so famous and flourishing of old, are long ago all quite extinct; but then this is to be attributed to the Decline and Destruction of the Roman Empire it self, and had that continued, in all Probability England it self had still been a Roman Colony, as it once was; but when the Romans forsook England, then England soon disowned Rome, being obliged to apply for Succour to the Saxons, afterwards to the Danes, and afterwards being brought to the Norman Establishment; from whence it has wonderfully and gradually advanced its own Grandeur, Wealth, Dominions and Trade, to its present immense and glorious Bulk; in which thriving and flourishing Course may it still prosperously proceed in the present Establishment in Church and State, till Time it self shall have an End.

The Roman Colonies were for the greatest Part inhabited by the Nations to whom the Countries belonged before the Approach of the Roman Legions, who first subdued them, and then made them as Slaves rather than Fellow Subjects; so that when the Forces that kept them in Awe and Slavery were removed, they then readily embraced the joyful Opportunity of recovering their antient Rights and Laws, and reassuming their old Religions and Liberties, and rescuing themselves and their Country from Slavery and Bondage, wherewith they had been captivated by the Roman Conquests.

But in our Colonies and Plantations the Case is vastly different; we have there few or none of the Indian Inhabitants intermix'd with us; the Country is capacious enough for our Reception in the Islands and along the Coasts, and there is sufficient Room for the Indians backwards upon the Continent. Our Colonies are all inhabited for the most Part by Britons and Irish; their Trade and Interest, Customs, Laws, and Religion are agreeable to, or the same with ours; neither is there any Necessity for Fleets or Armies to keep them in Subjection and Awe.

Instead of forsaking England, it may be in the Power (as well as it would be the Interest) of the Plantations to assist England against any foreign Force, that in future Ages may injure, insult, or molest it.

The greatest Occasion that the Plantations have or may require for powerful Assistance from England, is upon Account of the Pyrates who abominably infest their Seas and Coasts; but a competent Number of bold and active Men of War might soon take all those Nests of Robbers; and Contrivances for proper Employment for such wild and extravagant People, and more honest Work for Sailors in the Plantations, might in a great Measure prevent Pyrates. Several come in upon Acts of Grace; the rest might be subdued by Force, and confined to proper Labour and Industry; and Encouragement and Work might be found for all such as may be suspected to be inclinable for the Account, as they call it; thus if we cannot, or rather will not execute proper Measures for the Extirpation of Pyrates in the American Seas, yet certainly we should put a Stop to their Encrease, and not suffer them to swarm one Year more than another, which surely may be made very practicable by apt Endeavours, courageous Care, and good Conduct; as may most remarkably be evidenced by the well concerted Expedition from Virginia to North Carolina against Blackbeard and his Crew, and the most successful Efforts of the celebrated Captain Ogle, who made such effectual Use of his Commission and Opportunity.

A few more such famous Commanders as Captain Brand and Captain Ogle might soon secure our Plantation Merchandize, and clear a free Passage, and safely guard our Coasts and convoy our Ships, and either totally abolish all Pyratical Republicks, or else at least put a Curb and Restraint upon their outrageous Insults. These are Matters of greatest Consequence to our Plantations, and the trading Part of our Nation; and therefore ought not to be neglected and slighted, but committed to the Management of such Persons, of the greatest Honour, Resolution, and Discretion, who prefer the Publick before their private Trade, mind the Interest of their Country as much as, or more than their own, that will make it their chief Business to find, that dare to attack, and are able to conquer, these bold and desperate Rovers, the greatest of Reprobates. Such gallant Persons, if they be rare to be found, ought the more to be rewarded and encouraged, valued and honoured.

The last Thing that I shall mention with Regard to the Advantage of Trade in Virginia, is the absolute Necessity of a better Regulation of the Post-Office there, for the safe and quicker Conveyance of Letters.

Having thus delivered my Sentiments concerning Learning and Education, Religion, Arts and Inventions, and Trade in Virginia, with some general Remarks concerning all the Plantations, I draw near a Period upon these Subjects, supposing that what I have here mentioned may be enough to inform the Curious, and satisfy the candid Reader; knowing that I have writ a great deal more than they will relish or approve of, whose Humour or Interest may clash with my Opinion and Propositions; but I assure such that I don't vainly imagine that these my private Sentiments should be obligatory to any that dislike them, or that they are absolutely necessary to be punctually observed and complied with by them; but I only humbly offer these my Thoughts to the Consideration of all such as are concerned or skilled in these Matters; who certainly have Liberty either to reject them, or approve of them, as they shall esteem it most reasonable, according to their best Judgment and Discretion.

I shall only add, that if from these my private Notions and Remarks any one publick Good may be extracted, it will prove a great Satisfaction to me, in that the Intent of this Memorial will be answered, tho' but in a very small Degree, which joyful Satisfaction will be raised in the same Proportion as the Use of this Treatise encreases; but if at last it should happen that no Good should proceed from this my weak Endeavour; nevertheless (I hope) my Labour will not be imputed to me as criminal; since I have hereby offered my best Service in the Advancement of the Interest, and for the Promotion of the Good of a Country, to which I am in the highest Degree obliged.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

Page 6. Line 2. and p. 22. l. 4. read Powhatan.
p. 7. l. 9. r. West-Indians.
p. 8. l. 22. r. or sometimes.
p. 11. l. 4. for flung r. slung.
p. 16. l. 18. r. Mohomny.
p. 21. l. 22. f. Professions r. Possessions.
p. 22. l. 28. f. Country r. County.
p. 39. l. 19. f. hired r. tired.
p. 42. l. 2. f. these r. they.
p. 45. l. 2. f. certain r. in hopes.
p. 46. l. 24. f. few r. most.
p. 57. l. 4. f. being r. which being.
ibid. l. 7. f. the trench r. a hole.
p. 60. l. 4. f. Wines r. Vines.
ib. l. 17. f. Planks r. Plants.
p. 61. l. 28. f. may r. think to.
p 62. l. 30. r. Mannacan.
p. 88. l. 9. r. President.
p. 93. l. 24. r. a Fellow.
p. 96. l. 14. f. This r. These.
ibid. l. 33. r. Ethicks.
p. 116. l. 24. f. Passages r. Purposes.
p. 129. l. 8. f. it seems r. seems.
p. 132. l. 16. f. so as r. as.
p. 134. l. 4. f. before r. above.

BOOKS printed for John Clarke, at the Bible, under the Royal-Exchange, Cornhill.

An Accidence to the English Tongue, chiefly for the Use of such Boys and Men as have never learn'd Latin perfectly, and for the Benefit of the Female Sex: Also for the Welch, Scotch, Irish, and Foreigners, being a Grammatical Essay upon our Language, considering the true Manner of Reading, Writing, and Talking proper English. By Hugh Jones, A.M. lately Mathematical Professor at the College of William and Mary at Williamsburgh in Virginia, and Chaplain to the honourable the Assembly of that Colony. 12°. Price 1 s. Bound.

The History of Virginia in four Parts.

I. The History of the first Settlement of Virginia, and the Government thereof, to the Year 1706.

II. The natural Production and Conveniences of the Country, suited to Trade and Improvement.

III. The Native Indians, their Religion, Laws, and Customs, in War and Peace.

IV. The present State of the Country, as to the Polity of the Government, and the Improvement of the Land, to the 10th of June 1720. By a Native and Inhabitant of the Place. The second Edition, enlarged, 8vo. pr. 4 s. 6 d.

A general Treatise of the Dominion of the Sea, and a compleat Body of Sea Laws. 4to. p. 10 s.

The Plantation Laws. 8vo.

Transcriber's Notes:

Errors noted in the Errata list have been fixed. They are shown in the text with mouse-hover popups. Position your mouse over the word to see the correction.

Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been retained as in the original.

The following corrections have been made to the text:

Page 6, line 14, Particularly [Original has Parcularly]

Page 29, line 16, Gaol [Original has Goal]

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Table of Contents

- THE PRESENT STATE OF VIRGINIA.

- HUGH JONES, A. M.

- THE PRESENT STATE OF VIRGINIA.

- THE CONTENTS.

- INTRODUCTION.

- THE STATE OF VIRGINIA.

- PART I.

- Chap. I.

- Of the Original of the Indians, Europeans, and Negroes.

- Chap. II.

- Of the Government, Religion, Habit, Wars, Lives, Customs, &c. of the Indians of North America, and of Christanna.

- PART II.

- Chap. I.

- Of the English Settlements in Virginia.

- Chap. II.

- Of the Metropolis Williamsburgh, and the College, Capitol, and Governor's House, and the Church, &c.

- Chap. III.

- Of the Situation and Nature of the Country of Virginia, and its Coasts, &c.

- Chap. IV.

- Of the Negroes, with the Planting and Management of Indian Corn, Tobacco, &c. and of their Timber, Stock, Fruits, Provision, and Habitations, &c.

- Chap. V.

- Of the Habits, Customs, Parts, Imployments, Trade, &c. of the Virginians; and of the Weather, Coin, Sickness, Liquors, Servants, Poor, Pitch, Tar, Oar, &c.

- Chap. VI.

- Of Germanna, the Palatines, Wine, Hemp, Flax, Silk, Sumack, Trees, Fruits, Coals, the Tracts of Land, Health, Militia, the Mannacan Town, Titles, Levies, Burgesses, Laws, and general Assembly.

- PART III.

- Of the State of the Church and Clergy of Virginia.

- PART IV.

- Of Authors concerning Virginia, and its publick Officers, Guard-Ships, and the State of Maryland and North Carolina. The Conclusion.

- APPENDIX.

- Scheme I.

- Of Education in Virginia.

- Scheme II.

- Of Religion in Virginia.

- Scheme III.

- Of Arts, Projects, Inventions, and Manufactures in Virginia.

- Scheme IV.

- Of Trade in Virginia.

- Transcriber's Notes:

- THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE